THERE is a common theme in two unrelated events that happened in recent days.
The first was the brutal killing of a Mokhotlong police officer.
The second was the meeting between the Minister of Home Affairs and principal chiefs to discuss ways to help families that have been displaced from their homes.
Preliminary investigations indicate that the police officer was killed by famo gangs he was investigating.
The villagers who were the subject of the meeting between the minister and the chiefs fled their homes because of violence unleashed by famo gangs.
This is not surprising because we have always known that famo gangs are a menace in this country.
By some estimates, their battles have claimed more than 100 lives in recent years.
Local newspapers often publish headlines narrating the gangs’ gory crimes.
At thepost, we have lost count of the number of gang related violence and murders we have reported (we have a reporter who specialises on that bit).
We have written editorials imploring the government to decisively deal with the famo gangs.
The public has complained and some politicians have spoken out.
The police and the army have failed to put out the fires.
The common excuse from the government is that it is not easy to catch the criminals because they operate in Lesotho and South Africa, easily skipping the porous borders when the other side is too hot.
The police say the problem is the proliferation of illegal firearms.
All those are valid explanations.
The only problem is that they don’t get to the root of the problem. The real issue here is that there is no political will to go hard on the famo gangs.
Political parties and politicians seem to be mollycoddling the gangs instead of punishing them. In fact, some political parties seem to crave the gangs’ support.
This explains why Seakhi and Terene, the most notorious famo gangs, openly support political parties. The All Basotho Convention (ABC) recently allowed a prominent gang member to speak at its rally. The Democratic Congress (DC) openly associates with one of the gangs, treating some of their leaders like dignitaries at its rallies.
These are governing parties openly hobnobbing with dangerous gangs, some of whose members are wanted for murder.
It is therefore not surprising that the gang-related violence continues unabated.
There seems to be a quid pro quo between political parties and the gangs. It is probably why some of the gangs persist with the violence and impunity. Their alliances with ruling parties embolden them, making members more vicious and brazen.
It is one thing for parties to open their doors to everyone and quite another to willingly embrace known dangerous criminals.
Such unholy alliances make it difficult for the police to break criminal gangs and arrest suspects. The ruling political parties are thus complicit in the famo gang violence.
They must openly disassociate themselves with the gangs. Only then can they have the courage to go after the criminals that have terrorised people and killed many for decades. It’s about political will.
Justice system in deep crisis
THE withdrawal of murder charges against former Prime Minister Thomas Thabane and his wife, ’Maesaiah, this week sends a wrong message about our justice system in Lesotho.
After failing to locate and bring to court four key witnesses who are said to be holed up in South Africa, the prosecution was left with no choice but to withdraw the charges against the Thabanes.
There are also fears that Thabane and his wife could eventually walk out as free individuals after the prosecution failed to bring them to court during a reasonable time.
By withdrawing the charges, the Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) office has opened itself to vicious criticism from ordinary Basotho who remain thoroughly unconvinced by the reasons it has put forward for the withdrawal.
The Lipolelo Thabane murder case remains huge in the eyes of the international press. The reasons are clear: this is a former Prime Minister and his young wife who are accused of a heinous crime.
With the eyes of the international community firmly fixed on Lesotho’s justice system, this trial was a chance for Lesotho to demonstrate its firm commitment to justice and the rule of law. But we have flunked that test.
What the withdrawal of the charges seems to tell us is that there is a set of laws for the rich and powerful and another set for the poor. Unfortunately, the ordinary man and woman on the street thinks the Thabanes have been allowed to get away with murder, literally.
The real victim of all these legal shenanigans are the late Lipolelo Thabane herself, her relatives and friends who have had to endure the pain of loss. As things stand, there is now a very small chance that justice will ever be served for Lipolelo.
That is sad.
But this decision also leaves a huge stain on the office of the DPP. Their explanation is that they could not trace the key witnesses in the case. That sounds odd.
We take this position based on the nature of the case and the precedents that have been set in the last four months or so. And given these precedents, the DPP’s explanation simply cannot fly.
A pattern is slowly emerging of a DPP that is extremely reluctant to charge and prosecute to finality powerful individuals in politics as well as in business circles.
The perception that has been created is that the machinery of justice is only meant to deal with the poor while allowing the rich and well-connected in society to get away easily even when the facts appear to be so clear.
The ordinary man and woman on the street thinks this was a deliberate bungling of what was otherwise a very solid case. Their anger is understandable.
The DPP’s office cannot blame anyone for this perception. They sowed this seed and must now reap the consequences.
Take for instance the recent cases in which powerful individuals have been acquitted in our courts. We can only think here of Tšeliso Nthane, a powerful businessman in Lesotho, and Thabo Moramotse, the son of Lehlohonolo
Moramotse, a powerful government minister.
The people have now concluded, rightly or wrongly, that some of these high profile cases are well-choreographed charades with no real intention to convict the accused. The arrests, trials and court appearances are merely meant to give an impression that some work has been done.
The people are right to make such conclusions. And the DPP must shoulder most of the blame for this crisis.
Reforms must succeed at all costs
THE failure by MPs to pass the Omnibus Bill of 2022 last week has thrown Lesotho into a legal limbo with a general election just less than 90 days away.
We are not surprised that SADC, together with the European Union (EU) and other development partners, are furious. They have every reason to feel that way. They see the failure to pass the reforms last week as a monumental failure on their part after they ploughed huge resources into the exercise over the last two years.
thepost understands that SADC is not amused at Lesotho’s failure to pass the reforms last week, with its anger now directed at a few individuals who they believe are out to sabotage the reforms.
On the basis of what happened last Wednesday, it is clear that there are elements within the political establishment in Lesotho who are out to deliberately throw spanners into the reforms. But they must not be allowed to succeed.
If they do, Lesotho which has gone through bouts of political instability over the past five decades, will likely suffer from the same set of challenges that have bedeviled the country. All the efforts that have been thrown into the reform agenda will also come to naught.
That prospect is just too ghastly for us to contemplate. By failing to pass the reforms, Lesotho risks attracting the wrath of SADC which has been extremely patient with us for years. Without SADC’s support, no government can survive in Lesotho.
The proposed amendments to the Constitution were likely to stabilise Lesotho politically while trimming the powers of the Prime Minister. It would also ensure that the army, which has been at the centre of the country’s troubled past, is reformed through the security sector reforms.
Issues that have troubled the judiciary as well as the media would also have been addressed. But instead of dealing with these issues and ensuring that the Bill is passed, our MPs dilly-dallied and fumbled along the way until they ran out of time last Wednesday.
Instead of addressing the matters raised by the people during the reforms process, our MPs appeared keen to tinker with the proposals for their own preservation. They wanted to sneak in certain clauses to secure their own political futures.
And so when the Bill went to the Senate, it was no surprise that the Upper House rejected it outright arguing it was not what the people had said they wanted. Their anger was pretty understandable.
Despite a mad rush to pass the Bill last Wednesday, parliament failed to do so at the last minute. Basotho had hoped that the October elections would be held under a new legal framework that would usher in a period of relative peace and prosperity.
So far, that appears very much unlikely. Our MPs must, therefore with all humility, accept a huge measure of responsibility for the mess. If the matter is not resolved, the MPs who served in the last parliament will be remembered as the generation of politicians who had a golden opportunity to drag Lesotho from squalor and squandered it.
As such they would forever be tainted by that spectacular failure to pass the reforms. The people should therefore never forget nor forgive this bunch of MPs.
These MPs would also be remembered as that generation of selfish politicians who were so fixated with their own political survival rather than the greater good of Basotho. How sad!
The voice of the people must triumph
IN our lead story for this week, we carry a story of how parliament has come up with a controversial Bill that appears to be at odds with the expressed will of the people of Lesotho. Unsurprisingly, this has triggered howls of protest from certain sections of society who feel deeply aggrieved.
Their anger is understandable. Basotho have invested years into the constitutional reform process and had high hopes that these reforms would provide a basis for a political settlement to end decades of political strife.
The National Reforms Authority (NRA), a body that was tasked with leading the reforms process which has since been disbanded, has accused parliament of butchering the Bill to achieve its narrow agenda. It has also accused MPs of sneaking in certain clauses within the Bill to secure their own political interests.
At the core of its grievances are a list of 33 issues the NRA says it is not happy with and wants addressed. The NRA has accused parliament of massaging the new Bill to the extent that it no longer reflects the opinions of Basotho whose views were painfully gathered over the last two years.
They say parliament has now expunged from the Bill key clauses that were central to the whole reform agenda. Take for instance the issue of floor crossing. The NRA had proposed a tweak on floor-crossing indicating that MPs would only be able to cross during a 15-day window period which would be declared by the Speaker of Parliament.
That clause, which would have brought stability to any sitting government, is gone.
Parliament has also now removed a clause guaranteeing freedom of expression and access to information.
We would have imagined that any progressive government would fight tooth and nail to protect such basic freedoms. The removal of the key clause on freedom of the press and media poses a greater risk to the people’s basic freedoms.
We are on record as having commended the NRA for coming up with a progressive piece of legislation. But all its efforts appear to have gone to waste, thanks to some political skullduggery on the part of some MPs.
The new Bill has also removed the threshold for political parties to qualify for a seat in the National Assembly. What is clear from all this is how some of our politicians have remained fixated with the battle for self-preservation at the expense of the country’s greater good.
They want to ensure they remain in parliament by all means necessary. A new clause to ensure that Principal Secretaries are appointed by a special commission rather than by the Prime Minister has also been thrown out.
What we now have is a retention of the status quo where PS’ will continue to be appointed by a sitting Prime Minister, and as a result continue feeding the same system of patronage that has been at the centre of our political crisis.
Our position as a newspaper is that all this is wrong. This is a parliament that has gone rogue. We have a bunch of MPs who are fixated with their own self-preservation instead of looking at what is good for Lesotho.
They must be stopped. The people were quite emphatic on what they wanted. Their voice must be restored and the will of the people must triumph. What Basotho said they wanted in the new constitution were not by any measure outrageous demands. The people’s voice must not be ignored.
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