Transforming patiently

Transforming patiently

The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.

This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.

Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.
It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.

As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.

Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.

Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.

This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.

The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.

This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.

Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.
It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that

we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.

Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.

Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.

This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.

This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.

Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.
It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.

As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.

Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.

Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.

This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry.

We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.

This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture.

From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.

Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.

It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.

As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.

Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.
This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry.

We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.

This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.

Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.
It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.

As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.
Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.
This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry.

We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.

Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.
It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office.

Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.
Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.
It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.

This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.
Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.
Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.
It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.
It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.
The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.
Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.
It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.
Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.
Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to

Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.
Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.
It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.

Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.
The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.
It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.

This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.
Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.

It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.
Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.
This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in

Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.
The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.

Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.
It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.
Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.
Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.
It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.
The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.
This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.
It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.
Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.

It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.

Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with.

Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.
The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.
The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.

This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.
Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.

It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion.

There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.
Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.

Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with.

Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.
The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.

This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be.

The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.

Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.

The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.
Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.

It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.
Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services.

Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.
Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.
It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere. The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.

This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be.

The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.
Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is.

We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway.

He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.
It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.

Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.

It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.

As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.
Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.

Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.

Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.

It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere.

The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.
This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.
Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry.

We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.The gentleman in a blue suit slips on the footbridge and lands with a splash in the waters of the slipway. He slides some way on the concrete now green and slippery with slime but manages to stop his slide down to the retainer pool at the edge of the dam, picks himself up and takes his bag. He climbs on to the ramp of the footbridge shakes his dripping pants dry and carries on with the long walk to the office. It is a sad sight watching this gentleman carry on with the long walk to work, when he could have gone back home to change into dry clothes, but home is probably some considerable distance backwards, and he might not have had the fare to pay the cab.

It is a sight I might see for some while on these morning meditation sessions by the lake, and it is the story of a people living on the peripheries of society trying to eke a living in these hard times. It is a tale penned since Dickensian times when the Industrial Revolution was still in its infancy, a story of people living in the concrete jungles of different cities trying to make a living out of the desperation slowly constricting economies in its python grip.

It is the life of the writer to observe the trends as they unfold and the past seven years or more have been a series of economic lapses across the globe. The younger economies of post-independence Africa have taken most of the brunt of the economic recession and the people living in these African countries (exclude Rwanda and Botswana) have been forced to take desperate measures just to make it through the day. From peddling cigarettes to selling their bodies on the streets, the plight of the African seems an affair that will take some long while to get rid of.
This is despite the many projects aimed at alleviating poverty that are in progress, the case of Africa’s emancipation from the clutches of hunger and starvation is marred by one fact: corruption. Born out of the political condescension that is rampant on the continent, the masses suffer because of ignorant politicians whose main preoccupation is filling their bellies and promises to cronies. We have become characters in Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth where it seems that the only action we can take is of the violent sort if we are to be heard.

The Fanon masterpiece in its narrative follows a pattern that progresses from spontaneous uprising to national revolution which ends in postcolonial government. Hinging on the effects of colonial legacy, the book is in support of the ideal of nationhood rather than culture. From the first chapter which reveals how colonialism sows the seeds of its own overthrow, with the settler teaching the native that the latter is a mere animal through violence, that same native comes back in the form of a violent revolutionary in the last days of colonisation. After winning the liberation war, it is the formation of the new government and the revelation is on true character of the upper class of society ‘the national bourgeoisie’.
Driven largely by self-interest, the members of this class that includes doctors, lawyers and administrators should not be allowed to dominate the new government, so Fanon argues. His argument is that these ones are only there to maintain the old colonial structures of exploitation and oppression.

It can be argued that the plight of this here land is not caused by the maintenance of colonial structures, that the people only face the misfortune of electing wrong political leadership. I beg to differ and assert that we are poor because we have always held the tendency of choosing a leadership that is the direct product of colonial education. 90% of Lesotho’s leadership are direct products of colonial education, and it seems as fact that they were never weaned of the uppity ways of the colonial lords and commissioners of the protectorate days.
As soon as a village boy or girl is elected into the office of government, the scene changes and he or she becomes the member of the class that cannot be touched by the same people that elected them into office. Lesotho fails because it has a leadership that is out of touch with the needs of the people. Independence in this country was only on paper, and the sheepish nation willingly goes to the voting booth despite being disappointed countless times since independence. There shall be no revolution in this country because the public cowardice is far too deep. There is no sense of nationhood in this country, only a few cliques and cabals that keep on increasing in number with every party’s split.

Divided into political parties that each have their own cultures means that we are more likely to be polarised than to be united, and the current scenario means that the public are only there to serve the interests of the politicians. The first generation of leaders were of the educated class, and it is said the current premier and his predecessors are members of this class (excepting the general that ended the first regime in 1986). This means that the mentality was from the onset colonial, with the ruling class belonging to a class that considered themselves a few notches higher than the peasantry of the land whose only role has been to cast the vote and watch the frenzy for the fiscus go on until the next polling date.

Taught to think that they are different on the basis of party colour, Basotho go on to be disenfranchised because their leader is always right even when the cracks in character are apparent to a blind man. It is not the interest of the nation that is the point of argument in many of the discussions one hears either on radio or in the news; it is the interest of the political power leading government that forms the core of the discussion. There are also no questions with regard to the welfare of the people, there are only statements defending the shredded integrity of political scallywags and pederasts whose knavery has seen this kingdom regress to the point where the citizens will accept anything, even if it means they are being short-changed.

Fanon suggested ‘decentralisation in the extreme’ as the only solution to the problems in the post-colonial government. We have had more than 50 years of independence, but Maseru is regarded the centre of everything despite apparent incompetence with the notion of this one overcrowded space being the centre of Lesotho. What could be decentralised and executed at district level always finds one having to come to Maseru to get the needed services. Had the system been implemented differently, change could have been achieved at a speedier pace.

Instead of one having to come to Maseru to get basic services, one could simply go to the local authority offices and get the needed services from any one of the administrators or clerks. The colonial notion that put Maseru as the centre of the state means that people still have to leave their districts to come and queue in long lines for services that take less than 10 minutes to issue. What the colonisers did was to castrate the power of the local office, meaning that one often has to travel very far to access services they could easily get if the government was not centred around Maseru. This city is a colonial vestige with its government offices and snobbish civil servants corrupt enough to accept bribes from poor peasants come to the city to get free basic services.

It does not make sense why the people are so hooked on impotent political regimes that are bent on lying to the masses instead of delivering on the promises. One becomes oblivious to the political tautologies being posed as the truth by the political class. It has come to the point where many people with an inkling of common sense have come to regard the politicians as a bunch of liars. Their view is not unfounded, considering the many blunders with the implementation of social welfare programmes and economic development strategies.
Their failures are hardly ever followed by serious retrospective discussion; the now common practice finds politicians pointing fingers at rivals for failures. We do not need the type of leadership that point fingers, what we need are decisive and honest leaders whose sole goal is to serve the masses to the best of their ability. The now common practice where leaders speak to the masses as if they are children must be done away with. Issues are often discussed in simplest terms (and imposed), as if the people have no sense of their own.

The political history of this country points to an abysmal sense of immaturity that finds people unsure when it comes to making the right decisions in the selection of the leadership. Protected within the benefits of being a protectorate, Lesotho never matured to the stage of independence, because the old colonial leadership or its vestiges have always been there in the background. This means that whoever ruled never instilled it in the people to think for themselves in terms of self-advancement or nation-building. The conclusion to Frantz Fanon’s The Wretched of the Earth is a rousing call to action, with the call for brothers and comrades to turn away from Europe and her ways and to find their own path to progress.

The main weakness in Africa is that we are always playing catch-up to developed nations or spend most of our time busy trying to emulate European or other ways economically and culturally. This means that we never find our own feet and in the process become oblivious to the realities on the ground around us. With this type of viewpoint, it means that we shall never get to the point where we stop being the burden or the protégé of someone other than relying on the lessons in the lives of the citizens in the country where we live.
It is frustrating to see the type of leadership where there is haggling for votes instead of discussions on how we can progress as a country and a state. It is frustrating to be told how so and so seen on an international trip does their thing when it comes to social and economic development. It is even sadder when untested programmes and strategies are imposed on the people of the land on the basis of their being successful elsewhere.

The talk about transformation in this country borrows its standards from somewhere instead of being developed to maturity locally.
This is one of the main reasons why they fail, because they do not answer the basic needs of the local indigenous people. There can be no hope for transformation if it comes in the form of impositions. The simple logic of it all is that it needs to be familiar before it can be adopted, it has to be relevant before it can be applied. Forcing change on the citizens will never wash, because what is imposed may not often be the basic need of the people on the ground. Ensconced in Maseru and guaranteed a lavish lunch and other amenities means that the elected representative loses touch with those that elected him into government. That many of them only go home at election time is a truth we cannot deny, it is a fact we should address and change if we can.

Lesotho is in my eyes an individual that sees the world progress and instead of doing it relies on aid and the vague hope that the state will be like all those other states delegates have been to. The truth of the matter is that it took blood sweat and tears for those cities to be filled with skyscrapers, it will equally take tremendous effort to see Lesotho get out of the mire of political stagnancy. We may need a revolution of sorts to see the kingdom get to the level where the venerable Morena Leabua Jonathan wished the country to be. The present batch of political figures seems only there to wrangle for the highest seat in government and not the needs of the people. For those that hold a view to the contrary, the question lies with the large number of political parties in such a small state.
Each party comes with its own cultures and subcultures, and this automatically means that we are bound to be a people with a million cultures that clash. In this instance, we shall never see progress as we wish to see it. What we shall remain with are the million empty political promises that find the state in the dire straits it now is. We cannot hope to transform only at the behest of political leadership. We cannot transform patiently, it would be similar to watching paint dry. We need to revolt in different ways to force the political leadership to change their self-interested perspective on how the country can be aided forward into the type of progress that benefits everyone.

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