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Fiercely loyal to the end

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MASERU-FOR the 90 minutes that we spent at his business premises in Qoaling on Tuesday morning, Chalane Phori, 44, never stops talking.
He is animated.
He is articulate.

He puts a vigorous defence of some of his controversial policies while he was still serving as a Minister of Small Businesses in the last coalition government.

But what seems to drive him mad is what he says was the shameless act of betrayal of his mentor and leader – former Prime Minister Thomas Thabane – by his colleagues in the All Basotho Convention (ABC) party.
He says although Thabane had clearly indicated that he would step down at the end of July, his colleagues were so impatient with him that they ganged up with their “enemies” and pushed him off the cliff.
That, to him, was unforgivable.

Even though Phori says he is not bitter, he unsurprisingly keeps on harping about how his colleagues in the ABC went on to stab Thabane in the back.
It is worth pointing out that Phori, throughout the interview, fondly refers to Thabane as the “old man”, which is not just an expression of reverence but of how dear he still views him.

He says his relationship with Thabane goes beyond that of a political mentor. It is much deeper than that, as it is closely intertwined with his mentor’s political ideology, vision and dreams.
And when Thabane’s political career was finally snuffed out three weeks ago, so was Phori’s.

With Thabane bowing out of the political limelight, Phori says he has also decided to “retire” from active politics to focus on his vast business empire.
Phori is in the construction and manufacturing business. He also runs a chain of retail shops in Maseru.

Throughout the interview, it is clearly evident that Phori has still not got over what happened to himself and his boss.
Yet even with Thabane down and out, Phori, has remained fiercely loyal to his mentor.
That is not surprising.

When Thabane had his back against the canvass, pounded from every angle by his political opponents, it was Phori and a few others who fought to defend their leader, even when it became clear that the ship was sinking.
It was an explosive, bare knuckle fight that went to the wire.
But that soon invited scorn and derision for the likes of Phori who were seen to be going to ridiculous lengths to defend Thabane.

One of the allegations levelled against Thabane was that he had surrendered state power to his wife, ’Maesiah Thabane, who was now running government affairs from her bedroom.
Phori says that is nonsense.

“All the decisions that the government took were made in Cabinet and ’Maesiah was never there. The decisions that we took as a Cabinet were never changed a day after,” he says.
While ’Maesiah might have had her faults, she never interfered with the running of the government, he insists.

He says it is disingenuous for ABC members to argue that Thabane, who is now 80, should have resigned because of his advancing age since they were the very people “who overwhelmingly elected him Prime Minister just three years ago”.

“When we elected him party leader at the conference (in February last year), we knew how old the man was.”
Phori says to therefore argue that Thabane should have stepped down because of his advancing age was “an act of hypocrisy”.

He insists his party dismally failed to protect Thabane when they needed to.
“We had to protect him by all means and if we had problems we had to sit down as a party and resolve our problems internally.”
The ABC went into a tailspin, buffeted by internal wrangling after a divisive elective conference early last year.

The newly elected National Executive Committee, which was loyal to deputy leader Professor Nqosa Mahao, did not see eye-to-eye with Thabane and his old guard who lost at the elections.
That elective conference brought to the fore the bitter divisions within the party over the issue of Thabane’s successor.

It was only the fear of being completely swept out of power that saw the two factions burying the hatchet and coalescing around Finance Minister Moeketsi Majoro who was elected the new party leader.

Majoro was inaugurated Lesotho’s new Prime Minister a fortnight ago.
That only came after intense pressure was exerted on Thabane to step aside after damaging allegations that his current wife, ’Maesiah, had played a role in the murder of the premier’s ex-wife, Lipolelo Thabane, in June 2017.
While Thabane has not yet been formally charged, the police insist they are keen to interview him over his role in his wife’s murder.

The former premier has vociferously denied that he had any role in Lipolelo’s killing.
“Thabane served his country with respect and honesty but look, they just pushed him out like a dog,” Phori says. “God is going to judge them.”
Having ganged up against Thabane, Phori says he will not be surprised to see the new leadership begin to tussle again for positions of power and influence.

Critics say Phori will be remembered as the minister who crafted pro-Chinese policies at the expense of Basotho.
They cite the Wool and Mohair Regulations of 2018 which they argue created a monopoly that impoverished Basotho.

The regulations, which have since been overturned in the courts, made it illegal for Basotho to sell their wool and mohair outside the country.
Phori says when he arrived at the Ministry of Trade, the Chinese businessman Stone Shi was already in the country having been brought to Lesotho by the previous government led by Pakalitha Mosisili.
He says it was the Wool and Mohair Association that brought Shi to Lesotho only to turn against the Chinese businessman later on.

Phori was however unapologetic about his business connections with the Chinese saying he only “respects business and not the colour of one’s skin”.
“I look at principles and Basotho come first,” he says.
“We bring Chinese investors to Lesotho; we drive on roads built by the Chinese and we argue in a Parliament that was built by the Chinese and at the same time talk ill of the Chinese,” he says.

He says he does not deny that there are rogue Chinese businessmen adding however it would be unfair to blame all the Chinese for the wrongs done by a few.

“The Chinese are my friends; I knew the Chinese before I became an MP and I know Chinese who married Basotho here and I am not going to turn against my friends.”
Phori was first elected MP for Qoaling in 2012 and was re-elected for the third time in 2017. He served as a Minister of Small Businesses from 2017 to May this year when Thabane’s government collapsed.

The biggest lesson he learnt, he says, is that government ministers “are afraid to make the tough decisions”.
“They always preach about the big things they will do but once they are in positions of authority, they succumb to pressure; they can’t stand by their words.”

Phori says the law that governed the wool and mohair industry, which was crafted in 1977, required that the government collect a dipping levy from farmers.
However successive governments had failed to apply the law, resulting in a South African company pocketing the proceeds, he says.
“Basotho were not benefitting from their own product which was being sold on the international markets as a South African product,” he says.
Phori says it was that realisation that pushed him and many others within the government to come up with a new law to benefit Basotho.

“We did a pilot project with Mafeteng, Quthing, Butha-Buthe and Mohale’s Hoek farmers where we sold our wool abroad. We all saw that this was the perfect route and there were no complaints.
“But when we rolled out the project throughout the country, the opposition immediately ganged up against us.”

Phori is still unapologetic over the wool and mohair debacle, while acknowledging that it might have caused some pain for a section of society.
“If there was one policy that generated money for the government and for citizens, it was the wool and mohair policy.”
But why were there so many bitter complaints against the project, we ask.
“The Chinese might have been negligent but not 100 percent. There was a clear case of sabotage,” Phori says.

He blames what he calls “South African proxies who worked with farmers and some elements within the party” to sabotage the programme.
As a result of Lesotho’s unfortunate geographical position where it is entirely surrounded by South Africa, our neighbour shall always retain a keen interest in what happens in this country, he says.

He cites his ministry’s ban of beef imports from South Africa.
He says he wanted to block meat imports from South Africa and create a bustling market for Lesotho’s farmers.
But he was stopped in his tracks.
“They said this boy is becoming too big for his boots and we have to stop him. Unfortunately some of these people were my own people within the party but I have no regrets.”

Phori says what drove him most was a realisation that Lesotho did not manufacture anything of significance and had to rely on imports of even small things like toothpicks.
“I was pushing businesses that would be run by Basotho and that made me very unpopular with foreigners who were benefiting and their proxies here in Lesotho.”

“We have been kept where we are by these proxies run by South Africans.”
Having been so close to the seat of power, Phori admits that it is not going to be easy to change Lesotho’s economic fortunes because of the many competing interests among Basotho.

And when you try to make a difference, they accuse you of working for the interests of the Chinese, he says.
But he says he has no regrets for the decisions he took while he was still Minister of Small Businesses.
“I was there to push policies that would result in the growth of Basotho businesses.”

As a result of his direct, forthright manner, Phori has built an unwanted reputation as a trouble-maker among his political opponents.
But he denies he is out to court trouble.
“Which trouble am I making, I not a criminal,” he says. “If it is political, I take a stand on issues and stand by that decision; I am not a puppet.”
Phori says he is a successful businessman in his own right and was driven into politics to improve the lot of Basotho.

“I’m a reasonable guy, a businessman; I came into politics not to make money but to push the vision of the old man.
“We needed to support that vision and bring changes to the lives of the poorest of the poor.”
But with Thabane out of politics, Phori says he is also done with politics although he will continue to back newly elected Prime Minister Majoro.
That is necessary to keep the ABC intact and keep the DC out of power at the next elections in 2022, he says.
He however says he cannot bring himself to work with the DC in a coalition government because it presided over the killing of people when they were still in power between 2015 and 2017 and sent him into exile in South Africa twice since 2014.
“When politics becomes tough, the DC resorts to violence and now our people connived with them to work with them. I just cannot work with such people.”

“They connived with the enemies of the party which is the DC to bring down our leader. The DC specifically said they would not want to work with myself and Thabane.”

Phori says he was in a faction that backed Prince Maliehe and did not support Majoro for the leadership position adding the former finance boss “caused him lots of stomach aches”.
“But I have healed now and will support him fully as my Prime Minister. I will also support whoever is nominated to stand to stand for the ABC at the next elections.”

Phori was born on March 6, 1976 to a father who was a Basotho Congress Party (BCP) activist. His father was killed for political reasons in 1983.
Without his father who was the breadwinner, Phori says he had to assist his mother from a very young age to help her brew traditional beer which they sold to raise money for the family.
It was a tough upbringing which prepared him for the hassle and tumble of life.

“I never had time to play with other children and that made me grow up fast,” he says.
When other children were busy playing, I was already shouldering responsibilities of looking after my siblings, he says.
“I learnt to be self-reliant from a very young age. That helped me a lot. I do not lean on anyone’s shoulders for support. I fight for whatever I want.
“I don’t follow the crowd. I follow what I think is correct even if I am alone.”

Abel Chapatarongo

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Ex-diplomat in PhD storm

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A former National University of Lesotho (NUL) lecturer fighting for a top government job holds a PhD from a dubious American university notorious for selling degrees.
Dr Oriel Mohale Phehlane, a former diplomat, is in a legal battle to be appointed the principal secretary of the Ministry of Finance.
The basis of his lawsuit against Prime Minister Sam Matekane is that a recruitment panel recommended him for the position based on his experience, academic qualifications and interviews.

Phehlane claims he was recommended by the Public Service Commission and the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) but after the interviews the prime minister sidelined him and extended the contract of one Nthoateng Lebona, the incumbent, who had neither applied nor had been interviewed for the job.

Phehlane says based on the government’s policy of meritocracy he should be the principal secretary because of his PhD and Masters’ degrees from the Washington International University.

But an extensive two-month investigation by thepost has revealed that Washington International University is a notorious degree mill that has been selling fake degrees for nearly 30 years. Founded in 1994, Washington International University has no campus and has never been accredited.

It claims to be an online university, touting itself as a “cyberspace university” and “university without borders” in its marketing materials.

The university was founded by one Yil Karademir and his wife who ran it from a small office listed as its mailing address.

Its website, which now appears to have been closed, advertises “accelerated” degrees completed within one year with “no textbooks to read, curriculum to follow or formal exams to take”.

It promises that a student can earn a “traditional” bachelor’s degree after just 10 courses.

A student can earn a bachelor’s or Master’s after submitting three book reports selected by what the university calls an “instructor”, and a research paper.

The website says the university’s course materials are written in “simple language” that makes it easy for “an average person” to “understand what is written”.

The university touts the Encyclopedia Britannica, a general knowledge encyclopedia, as part of its reference library.

Its PhD students have to submit a thesis supervised by what the university calls “instructors”, not supervisors as they are called by reputable universities.

Students can use past work experience as credits to complete a PhD in two years.

That appears to have been the case with Phehlane, who was awarded a PhD after two years on August 15, 2008.

The university had also awarded him a Masters degree which he completed within a year in 2006.

thepost requested to see Phehlane’s PhD thesis and it took him two weeks to deliver.

The 51-page thesis titled “Patterns and Impact of Foreign Direct Investment – Exploratory Perspective” extensively cites Wikipedia, Encyclopedia Britannica and other websites.

It seems some of the books in the bibliography don’t exist and those that exist have not been properly cited, with the reference pages not corresponding with what has been cited.
In some cases, Phehlane appears to have picked a reference from the internet and plonked it on the bibliography without any link to what he had written.

The content itself is replete with glaring spelling mistakes and pedestrian statements. Other parts appear to have been plagiarised from a business quiz website.

The thesis describes itself as a study but there is no evidence to suggest that any research was conducted. It doesn’t mention the research question, where the fieldwork was done, the source of the data and how it was analysed.

thepost reached out to four professors, two local and two regional, for their opinion on what Phehlane calls his thesis.

They were of the unanimous view that what Phehlane calls a PhD thesis doesn’t pass a first-year academic essay. One professor described it as a “rumbling report that says absolutely nothing”.

Another said it is “academic fraud to call such nonsense a PhD thesis”.

“This is bad, it’s just bad,” said another. “It’s not PhD material and should never be regarded as such,” said the other professor.

The red flags in Phehlane’s PhD thesis go beyond the dubious citations, hints of plagiarism, the lack of research, the lack of original thought, shallow statements and grammatical errors.

In his CV Phehlane gives the PhD’s title as “Patterns and Impact of Foreign Direct Investment: Global Perspective”.

The thesis that Phehlane gave to thepost is titled “Patterns and Impact of Foreign Direct Investment – Exploratory Perspective

A letter issued by the university to supposedly confirm the award says the PhD thesis was titled “Patterns and Impact of Foreign Direct Investment”.
So in three documents the thesis is mentioned with three different titles.

Curiously, the university’s letter “to whom it may concern” was issued on August 15, 2008, the same day Phehlane was awarded the doctorate.
Reputable universities don’t issue such letters to students on graduation day.

The name of his instructor also changes several times.

The thesis identifies the ‘supervisor’ as Dr S Fredericks while the “To whom it may concern” letter calls him Dr S Frederick. Phehlane’s CV calls him Dr S Frederick.

A Google search doesn’t show a Dr S Fredericks or Dr S Frederick who fits that profile. Phehlane swore that Dr S Fredericks or Dr S Frederick exist but could not identify him when shown people with similar names on Google.

This is despite that Phehlane claims Dr S Fredericks or Dr S Frederick also supervised his Masters’ degree with the same university. In other words, he cannot identify the person he closely worked with for three years.

The university’s letter describes Phehlane as “very enthusiastic and punctual with his studies”.
It says Phehlane’s “advisor” “Stephen Fredericks, PhD” “found this paper to be a comprehensive exploration of Foreign Director Investment concepts, presented in a remarkable clear, concise manner and it was awarded a grade of A”.

The thesis seen by thepost and scrutinised by four professors doesn’t seem remarkably, concise or worth a Grade A.

In 2000, the State of Hawaii forced the Washington International University to dissolve its incorporation for dishonesty after allegedly failing to disclose to prospective students that it was not accredited to award degrees. The university was also fined.

The Washington International University used to identify as Washington University until the late 1990s when it was sued by the Washington University in St Louis for copyright infringement and unfair competition. The institution changed its name to Washington International University as part of the settlement of that lawsuit. The Washington University of St Louis had however told the judge in its court papers that Karademir’s university, which was incorporated in the British Virgin Islands operating from a tiny office in Washington, was a degree mill.

Karademir, the founder, later claimed that they didn’t know Washington University in S. Louis existed when they chose the name Washington University in 1994.
The Washington University in St Louis was 141 years old in 1994, the year Karademir claims to have been unaware of its existence when she started calling his unaccredited institution ‘Washington University’.

Several states and institutions in the United States have warned students that Washington International University is a degree mill.
Some have described its degrees as “substandard” while others say they don’t accept them as qualifications for employment purposes.
Phehlane’s CV also has other issues that could raise alarm.

He claims to have earned his first degree in 1999 from Newport University, another unaccredited university routinely listed as a degree mill.

Newport University claims to be accredited with the International Distance Education Accreditation League Inc (IDEAL), a Philippines organisation in which it is a ‘first level member”, having been involved as a member of the “founding governance board” and at “advisory level”.

It is common for unaccredited universities to claim to be accredited with opaque institutions they either formed or financed. This is generally a ruse to give them a veneer of credibility.

Newport University should not be confused with Christopher Newport University, an accredited private university in the United States.

Phehlane’s CV shows that his first qualification was a diploma in Sales and Marketing, earned from the Cambridge Tutorial College in the United Kingdom in 1996.
It says he earned an Accounting in Business and Management diploma from the same college in the same year.

Cambridge Tutorial College is registered as a non-profit organisation but there is no evidence that it ever offered such diplomas. Its digital footprint is virtually non-existent and it should not be confused with the Cambridge Tutors College which offers classes in ‘A’ Level subjects like Biology, Chemistry, Mathematics, English and Geography.

The CV shows that from 2004 to 2009 Phehlane was pursuing a Postgraduate Diploma in Governance with the University of Free State in South Africa.

Yet on his LinkedIn he claims to have graduated with the same diploma from the same university in 2004. He claims to have earned a postgraduate Diploma in Financial Planning from “Ashworth University” in 2009.

There is no institution officially called Ashworth University. It is unclear if Phehlane meant Ashworth College, the private college based in Georgia, (USA). He claims to have earned a postgraduate diploma in International Policy and Diplomacy from Staffordshire (UK) in 2009.

This means in 2009 alone Phehlane earned three postgraduate diplomas from the UK (Staffordshire), United States (Ashworth University) and South Africa (University of Free State).

The CV shows that in 2019 alone Phehlane earned four professional qualifications. They include Chartered Management Consultant (Canada), Certified Financial Risk Management Consultant (USA), Certified Financial Analyst (USA) and Certified Financial Consultant (USA).

He achieved the three postgraduate diplomas while working full-time as a diplomat as Technical Financial Advisor at Lesotho’s Embassy to the European Union.
According to the CV, Phehlane has a PhD, a Masters, a Bachelors, three postgraduate diplomas, two diplomas and four professional qualifications.

Three of the six institutions from which he claims to have earned his degrees and diplomas have questionable credentials.

There seems to be a pattern in that all those institutions share some part of their names with reputable institutions.

For Cambridge Tutorial College there is the famous Cambridge University and the Cambridge Tutors College. For Washington International University there is the accredited Washington University in St Louis. For Ashworth University there is the real Ashworth College.

The difference in the time Phehlane claims to have completed his postgraduate diploma at the University of Free State also raises doubts about the qualification.
On LinkedIn he claims to have graduated from the University of Free State in 2009 but his CV states that he graduated in 2004.

Phehlane claims to have started his career as an Account Executive at the European Business Services in South Africa.

A year later, he moved in the same role to Johnnic Communications in South Africa. Between 2002 and 2005 he was a senior Financial Officer at the Ministry of Finance. He claims to have held the same role with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from 2005 to 2011, with stints as Lesotho’s diplomat in the EU and South Africa.

Between 2013 and 2017 he was the Head of Cash Management at the Ministry of Finance, during which time he also worked as a part-time lecturer at the NUL, the Centre for Accounting Studies and the Institute of Development Management.

He also says he was once the Acting Deputy Account General – Cash Management at the Ministry of Finance.
Phehlane now works as a management consultant.

Phehlane defends PhD

Dr Mohale Phehlane vehemently insists that the Washington International University, the institution from which he earned his questionable PhD, is a genuine institution despite its lack of accreditation.

Phehlane was responding to thepost’s questions about the legitimacy of the Washington International University.

The story casts doubt on the university’s credentials on the basis that it is unaccredited, has no campus, is notorious for being a degree mill and Phehlane’s PhD doesn’t seem to meet basic standards.

Phehlane however says universities don’t need to be accredited.

“It is optional in many countries like America. A private university like this one is not forced by law to have its programmes accredited,” Phehlane says.

He says those who say universities should be accredited don’t know what accreditation means. Phehlane says the main reason for accreditation is that “governments don’t sponsor students who attend unaccredited universities”.

“That is the main purpose. So, for private universities where students source funds for themselves there is no reason to be accredited”.

“There is no need at all for universities to be accredited if their students are not to be sponsored by the government. Universities that are eyeing government sponsorship for their students feel compelled to be accredited”.

Asked how employers worldwide would trust the quality of his degrees from an unaccredited university, Phehlane produced a document which he said opened doors wherever he worked.

It is an apostille, an official certificate from a government that makes a document from one country acceptable in another, or the system of using such certificates.

The apostille he produced has been signed by a lawyer in the United States, showing that his certificates were originals from the Washington International University.

The apostille is based on the 1961 convention at The Hague which provides for the simplified certification of public (including notarized) documents to be used in countries that have joined the convention.

However, the apostille does not state that a certificate meets any set standards but just confirms that it is an authentic document from the source that issued it.

The apostille, therefore, doesn’t confirm if Phehlane’s Washington International University and PhD are genuine. It is not a verification system.
Yet Phehlane insists that the apostille authenticates his PhD.

“We have no problem in Lesotho accepting apostilled educational certificates like mine because Lesotho is a signatory to the convention,” he says.

He says many alumni from the Washington International University are holding prominent positions in many countries because their countries have signed to be parties in the convention”.

Phehlane mentions the Central Bank of Zimbabwe governor John Mangudya who holds a doctorate from the Washington International University. Mangudya’s PhD from the university has long been questioned for the same reason that Phehlane’s PhD is being queried.

He also mentions a judge in the Ugandan High Court who also obtained qualifications from the same university.

“Surely, you cannot say people who hold such sensitive and crucial positions have questionable qualifications and bodies that hired them failed to see that.”
“There are many alumni in high positions in many countries, some teaching at universities.”

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Four Basotho illegal miners shot dead

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FOUR Basotho illegal miners were shot dead at a disused gold mine in Randfontein, South Africa, last weekend.
The four men are from the two villages of Ha-Chabeli and Ha-Mohohlo in Taung, Mohale’s Hoek.

Chief Mokhele Chabeli told thepost this week that unidentified men had stormed the illegal mine on Saturday night and began firing shots, killing four while injuring several others.
Those who were injured were admitted at a local hospital in South Africa where they are in serious condition, he said.

“The deceased are young able-bodied men who had just married,” Chief Chabeli said.

Out of these four dead men, three had wives.
Chief Chabeli said they suspected the killings were linked to the illegal mining disputes in South Africa.

He said the fights in South Africa sometimes spill over into his village in Ha-Chabeli. They would be fighting over mining spots in South Africa.

“These people would sometimes tell me that I cannot mediate in their fights because I am not part of them,” he said.

Chief Chabeli said these famo gangsters were living together as a group in Randfontein but others left to stay in Matlatsane.
He said they did not know why others left to stay in isolation.

He said in January this year a fight broke out between gangsters in his area that left two dead.

“The fight went on for the whole night,” Chief Chabeli said.

“I do not know if what happened over the weekend is a continuation of what happened in January,” he said.

He said the fighting was only halted after security agencies were invited to the area.
He said villagers are live in fear in his village because of the constant fights among illegal miners.

What makes matters worse is that some gangsters from Ha-Chabeli belong to the same gang with those from Ha-Mohohlo and others from Ha-Mohohlo rally behind those from Ha-Chabeli in a rival gang.

Chief Chabeli said gangsters from his village used to fight with those from Kolo, Likhoele and Thabana-Morena but lately they fight among themselves.
He said they have done everything in their capacity to stop the fights but they are failing to control the situation.

He said the gangsters usually skip the country to hide in South Africa after committing crimes in the country.
The Taung MP, ’Matiisetso Matsie, said she has asked the Ministry of Police to build a police post in the area but she was turned down on grounds that funds were scarce.
Matsie was the area’s local government councillor before joining parliament in 2022.

“We have done everything in our power to restore peace and stability in this area but so far we have failed,” Matsie said.

She said they went as far as holding a prayer session in a desperate attempt to bring peace in the area but their efforts have so far failed.

Majara Molupe

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Varsity non-academic workers down tools

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THE National University of Lesotho (NUL)’s non-academic staff downed tools yesterday in protest over what they called poor service delivery by the registrar’s office and discriminatory practices.
They were also demanding that the university provides them with a salary advance when they run into financial difficulties.

The Non-Academic Workers Union (NAWU) also demanded the resignation of Vice-Chancellor Professor Isaac Fajana.
The NUL spokesperson, ’Mamosa Moteetee, told thepost that the management is yet to discuss the workers’ petition.

The strike began in the morning when the workers started singing struggle songs including the one that says Fajana theoha moo (Fajana step down).
Their placards were written messages saying “Enough with discrimination”, “We all have a right to work”, and “Fajana must go”.

The petitioners said the union and the university management reached an agreement at the Directorate of Dispute Prevention and Resolution (DDPR) on April 28 last year that “all disputes were assigned a deadline for resolution”.
They said to finalise the agreement for implementation, both parties were required to report back before the conciliator by June 23, 2023.

“Nothing has been done thus far,” the petition reads.

NAWU says as the 14th council term was coming to an end, they asked the registrar to call for nominations of people who would be elected to the Non-Academic Staff Appointment Committee (NASAC).
The workers say despite their repeated reminders the registrar, whose office also serves as the NASAC secretariat, did not act on their request.

“The registrar’s office has not yet taken any action, even though all university committees and boards have been renewed,” the petition reads.

The workers say on March 20 last year NAWU wrote a letter to the acting director of human resources regarding the salary arrears of five staff members in the bursar’s department.
In response to a follow-up memo made to the Director of Human Resources in January 2024, the petition reads, she wrote a letter to the registrar reminding her about the NASAC recommendation.

They wanted the registrar to convene a meeting with the human resources manager and director of legal affairs to discuss the matter, “but to date, we have not received a response yet”.

On the issue of a salary advance, the workers wrote that on January 18 this year NAWU requested the resuscitation of the salary advance but the Vice-Chancellor has not responded.

“This is because salary advances provide financial support to university employees, especially NAWU members whose salaries are low and have no promotions yet,” NAWU writes.

They added that in the absence of salary advances, employees find themselves going to money lenders whose interest charges are too high.
The petitioners say that NAWU is strongly disappointed that the university had decided to apply “discrimination strategy among the non-academic staff”.

Workers say some of them have acquired additional qualifications and when they submit them to the human resource management for consideration they were treated differently.

Some of them received notches for obtaining additional qualifications while others only received “a congratulatory note from the office of the Human Resources and NASAC respectively”.
They requested the university management to review the NASAC’s decision.

Nkheli Liphoto

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