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RFP faces MPs’ revolt



MASERU – THE Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) faces a revolt from some of its disgruntled MPs opposed to the party’s decision to bring the electoral bill to parliament without first discussing it in their caucus.

A group of MPs is said to have openly told the party leadership that they will not support the National Assembly Electoral (Amendment) Bill when it’s brought to parliament on Friday.

Their concern, sources said, is that the party has been making decisions without discussing them in the party’s caucus.

The Bill, which is part of the national reforms, was not discussed by the caucus. Instead, most MPs knew about the Bill being brought to parliament through social media.

A source said when they asked the leadership about it they were told it was not true. Their fears were however confirmed on Monday this week when the Bill was discussed at a joint caucus. The source said that is when matters came to a head.

“We are sick and tired of being side-lined as RFP MPs. We cannot be called to a joint caucus to discuss matters we have not first discussed as the RFP caucus,” an RFP MP said last night.

He said although MPs are not opposed to the Bill’s contents and motive they want to block it to make a statement against the party’s leadership whom they accuse of undermining them to work with coalition partners instead.

“How this Bill has been brought to parliament is just a continuation of that trend we have been seeing and complaining about. We are not a rubber stamp,” said another MP.

“We represent the members of the MPs and are therefore one of the most important stakeholders in the party.”

After the joint caucus on Monday RFP MPs took to their WhatsApp group to voice their concerns about being side-lined by the party.

In that WhatsApp group, some MPs said they would not participate in the vote on the Bill on Friday. Evidence that the mood against the party had soured was also apparent at the MPs’ workshop on Tuesday, with MPs lobbying each other to scuttle the Bill.

“The leadership now knows that most MPs will not be supporting the Bill on Friday. They know the MPs will not compromise until the party starts respecting them,” said another MP.

So strong is the opposition to the Bill that the RFP has now called an emergency caucus to pacify the enraged MPs and cajole them to support the Bill.

There was however some speculation last night that some MPs will not budge on their plan to sabotage the Bill. Another source said about 30 of the RFP’s 56 MPs might vote against the Bill.

“Unless something gives they might decide to withdraw the Bill on Friday to avoid the embarrassment of it being opposed by their own MPs,” said the source.

“They did this again with the budget but this time we will not tolerate it.”

The Bill needs a simple majority to pass but the government is not confident that it has the numbers to reach that minimum threshold.

Prime Minister Sam Matekane urgently needs to pass the electoral bill to consolidate his power and insulate his government against growing manoeuvres from the opposition that is said to be plotting against him with some of his MPs.

The electoral Bill proposes to limit floor-crossing and the chances of a vote of no-confidence against the government.

The Bill says MPs can only cross the floor during a 15-day window period declared by the Speaker of Parliament after three years.

It states that MPs who cross the floor before or after that window will vacate their seat and face a fresh election.

The Bill also says a vote of no confidence can only be moved once during the parliament’s five-year tenure. It also limits the powers of proportional representation MPs to vote against their party’s position in parliament.

The Bill is thus seen as Matekane’s insurance cover.

It’s the shield he urgently needs as faces insurrection from some of his MPs.

The opposition is also beating war drums as they sense an opportunity to work with some of those disgruntled MPs to topple the government in parliament.

This explains why the opposition has accused the government of pushing the electoral Bill ahead of other laws that are part of the reforms.

The opposition has already told the government that they will oppose any attempt to pass the reform laws piecemeal.

Last night Democratic Congress (DC)’s leader Mathibeli Mokhothu, accused Matekane of cherry-picking parts of the reforms that protect his government.

“It’s a sinister move and we will not support it. They are going back on their promise to push the reforms as a package that benefits the country,” Mokhothu said.

“That was never the spirit of the reforms. That is not what they promised during the elections.”

Meanwhile, the RFP leadership continues to push back against party members demanding a conference to elect a new national executive committee.

Deputy leader Justice Nthomeng Majara was in a fiery mood at the party’s victory celebration in Qoaling constituency on Sunday.

Justice Majara threatened that if the members did not stop their demands for an elective conference the leadership would leave the party.

“The leader is included in those who will leave. Nothing will stop us,” Justice Majara said.

“This party will not last its five-year term and it will die like other parties.”

Nkheli Liphoto

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Co-option tactics for self-preservation



Prime Minister Sam Matekane this week appointed new ministers and deputy ministers in a move critics say is meant to ring-fence his coalition government.

The appointments came as Matekane battled a serious plot in parliament to boot him out and upend his government.

The decision will see Cabinet ballooning from the current 14 ministers to 19. A new batch of deputy ministers are set to be sworn-in soon.

The expansion of Cabinet was in response to a serious plot by opposition MPs to pass a vote-of-no-confidence in his government.

With his back to the wall, Matekane has been left with no option but to co-opt some political parties that were willing to work with him.

That has now seen former sworn enemies joining hands in an expanded Cabinet.

While we understand that this was a political reflex response for self-preservation on the part of Matekane, and that he has clearly outwitted his political opponents, the move to expand Cabinet will come at a heavy cost.

The new ministers will receive perks, including vehicles, in line with their new positions.

The new deputy ministers will also receive similar perks as well.

This will likely put a strain on the fiscus.

Critics have been quick to lash out at Matekane, pointing to his swift policy shift with regards to the size of Cabinet.

This is particularly true because just a year ago on his campaign trail, Matekane had pledged to appoint a lean Cabinet if he were to assume power.

It was on the back of those electoral promises that Matekane had stuck to his word when he appointed a 14-member Cabinet in October last year.

But even at 19 ministers, Matekane’s Cabinet still remains comparatively smaller to those that were appointed by his predecessors.

Through the process of co-option, Matekane appears to have dogged the bullet. He will now likely have enough allies within parliament to ride past any impending no-confidence motion raised by the opposition.

This is politics. Matekane appears to have outwitted his political opponents who had celebrated his looming departure prematurely. It is now back to the drawing board for the opposition.

With Professor Nqosa Mahao’s Basotho Action Party (BAP) and Mothetjoa Metsing’s Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) now on board, this means Matekane will need to manage competing interests among a host of coalition partners.

We know that a failure to manage competing interests has been the downfall of many of the coalition governments in Lesotho since 2012. This will likely test Matekane’s political dexterity.

With Matekane enjoying a healthy cushion in parliament and with the plot to oust him now apparently neutralised, he should get his hands on the plough and move swiftly to ensure the reforms agenda is realised.

While Matekane pushes the reform agenda, the people on the ground want to see real economic transformation. They want to see the government go all out of support the private sector so that it can create jobs for thousands of unemployed youths.

Having survived the plot in parliament, this in our opinion will be Matekane’s biggest test.

The key will be in strengthening key sectors such as agriculture, education, health and tourism. Matekane will be judged by how many jobs his government creates to allow youths to have meaningful lives. If he fails, voters will likely punish him in the ballot box at the next polls in 2027.

He would have none but himself to blame. That is precisely why we have argued in our previous editorials that Matekane must be given a chance to rule for the next five years. If he fails, he would have failed on his own.

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Allow politicians to sort out mess



AFTER last week’s shocking press conference, we expected the security agencies to either walk back their politically charged talk or simply walk away to let the politicians sort their mess.
We hoped the security bosses would realise the consequences of their bellicose statements and extricate themselves from the unfolding political fracas.
We thought after some introspection, informed by our traumatic history of political instability and the army dabbling in politics, the army would remember their neutral role is to defend and protect the nation.

If not history, then the instant and resounding condemnation of their statements should have hastened their return to talk that reflects their constitutional mandate. We are disappointed to say we were wrong.

Lieutenant General Mojalefa Letsoela’s latest remarks however show that the army is digging in on its stance on the political discord that has gripped the country.
He said he would not “manage” to transfer the country’s flag and constitution to another prime minister.

“Am I clear?” Letsoela asked his officers.
“Yes sir!” his officers chorused.

His message doesn’t require fancy decoding skills.
He was referring to his symbolic but pertinent role of the army commander handing over the flag and constitution to a new prime minister.

He seems to suggest that there will be no transfer of power in the event of the incumbent prime minister losing the imminent vote of no confidence. That is quite an unnerving statement.

We should be very afraid because those statements have shoved Lesotho onto the precipice. The political clouds are thick with fear, uncertainty and anger.

And things could boil over on the streets. We don’t need reminding what happens when the army appears to close avenues for democratic expression. Parliament is the only platform through which politicians can express themselves and decide the course of a government.

But when the army appears to interfere with that process we have a constitutional crisis in a highly combustible situation.

Even mere threats to do so are equally dangerous and ominous because perception matters in political affairs.

We appreciate that the commander, like many other Basotho, is weary and wary of the politicians’ propensity to topple governments on the whim.

We share his frustration at the power-mongering that has repeatedly shoved Lesotho into political instability and sabotaged its economic fortunes.

But the trouble is that there are some things he cannot say because of his uniform. The office he holds dictates that he be neutral and measured in expressing views about the political situation. The people expect that as well as the leader of their army. The condemnation of his words and the fear they triggered is therefore justified.

It’s however not too late for the army and other security agencies to stay clear of the political high drama.
Our politicians should be left to sort out the mess they have created.

They appear to have the means and will to do so.
Whether their solution is long-lasting or they have the competence, is another matter.
We should accept democracy with its thorns and flowers.

What is happening in parliament is a sign of a robust democratic culture.
It must not be impeded. This is nothing new and it should be allowed to run its course.

The army should resist the temptation to meddle in this process.
The shrill of protests from the civil society and the opposition has confirmed that the army is not welcome in this drama.

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Business deal must be clearly explained



FOR the past few weeks, we have watched closely as Basotho fiercely argued among themselves after a South African business tycoon, Mashudu Elias Ramaano, ventured into these shores to set up a controversial water and hydrogen project.

There have been charges that much of the debate that has taken place around the project has been driven by sheer ignorance if not outright xenophobic expressions.

Ramaano, a South African, has not helped matters by adopting what appears to be a toxic, arrogant tone in addressing Basotho when he appeared before a parliamentary committee this week.
His abrasive style of communication was certainly going to rub people the wrong way.

While there might be some grain of truth in the not so welcoming business environment in Lesotho and the difficulties in registering a business, it is the manner that he has put across his views that appears to have offended Basotho.

The problem is that real issues have now been buried in the emotions following his outbursts.
While Ramaano might have a brilliant business idea, he still needs to calmly explain away the issues that make Basotho uncomfortable.

What has brought this stance is the lack of openness surrounding the hydrogen deal. There are also fears that the deal could end up benefiting private individuals at the expense of Basotho.
It is these issues that Basotho want clarified.

It is in Ramaano and the government’s interests not to look at this whole debate from a political perspective.
While most of the noise has so far come from politicians, it must be pointed out that most Basotho also share similar fears. They are generally skeptical of foreign businesses having burnt their fingers in the past.

The Fraser Solar deal where Lesotho risks losing millions of maloti to a foreign company is still fresh in their minds. Under the deal, government ministers signed off Lesotho’s assets, putting at risk the future of millions of Basotho.
Basotho would certainly not want to see a repeat of what happened under the Fraser deal. This is what is driving their current fears.
Basotho should also not be faulted for trying to protect one of their biggest assets – water. Water – which has been dubbed “Lesotho’s white gold” – is one of the few things that they have in abundance.

It is within their interests that they want this critical resource protected so that it benefits ordinary Basotho and the next generation.
It would be sad were politicians to mortgage the future of this country to a few private players under the guise of foreign investment.

While these fears might be exaggerated, it is incumbent upon Metsi ke Bophelo and the government of Lesotho to clearly explain the terms of the deal to remove any lingering doubts. Basotho deserve to be told what is in the deal for them. Once they have their buy-in, we are confident that they will back the deal.
So far, the government’s communications machinery and Metsi ke Bophelo’s public relations arm have not been convincing enough in explaining away Basotho’s fears. The opaque nature of the deal still looms large in the minds of Basotho.

It is for these reasons that they will need to enunciate clearly the terms of the deal.
Basotho are still not clear if Metsi ke Bophelo is a private company or a non-profit organisation.
Of course, this could be a brilliant idea that could haul Lesotho out of deep poverty. But it is an idea that must be clearly explained to ensure it has the buy-in of Basotho.

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