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A Covid test for Lesotho’s curriculum

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February 23, 2021 saw the release of the South African National Senior Certificate (NSC) results amid an upsurge in the Covid 19 pandemic that has so far claimed over 50 000 lives. The NSC is commonly known as matric in South Africa. Like Lesotho, South Africa has gone through two upsurges of the Covid 19 epidemic, but they managed to sit students through their examination.

Earlier in the year, the South African government had instructed mark adjustments of 5% to learners in the lower grade. They reasoned that this was to compensate for time lost due to Covid-19 pandemic lockdown. The decision was met with mixed feelings from different quarters. This decision reflects an education system that judges quality by a mark and not learner capability.

The Covid-19 pandemic lockdown kept learners and teachers away from school. Schools lost time for teaching and learning. Teaching and learning required remarkable innovative endeavours from authorities and teachers.
Let us rewind the clock to 2008 when the Ministry of Education and Training (MoET) announced the Curriculum and Assessment Policy Framework, Education for Individual and Social Development. One aim of this policy is addressing the demands and life challenges of the modern global world. The pandemic presented an opportune moment to test the MoET policy.

The school closures forced schools to launch the curriculum into the 4th industrial revolution era. Teachers could not routinely chalk and talk in face-to-face classroom teaching. Yet children have to be kept learning. Desperate times require desperate measures. Schools and teachers had to find alternative creative means to ensure that learning, albeit outside the classroom, continues. Schools must turn these desperate times into productive learning experiences.

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The MoET, through national television, took the initiative to present lessons to students while at home. The damage that the lessons caused will take very long to undo. The presentations were shambolic. They failed to launch the students into the 21st-century education space. The Director of Public Prosecutions must charge the presenters for attempted murder and conspiracy to commit murder. Alternatively, they must face charges of intent to do grievous bodily harm. To top it up, one presenter must be charged with treason for promoting a foreign football team on national television.

In the meantime, the 2020 Lesotho General Certificate of Secondary Education (LGCSE) and Lesotho Junior Certificate examinations began on February 3 and 22, 2021, respectfully. The Examinations Council of Lesotho (ECoL), Lesotho’s examination body, must administer relevant assessments to students. Did the 2020-cum-2021 examinations provide for the desperate teaching that schools engaged in due to the Covid-19 pandemic lockdown?
ECoL modelled the LGCSE on the International General Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE). Lesotho’s education system is an adaptation and modifications of the British-colonial education systems. Britain imposed a Cambridge Overseas Schools Certificate (COSC) on Lesotho for reasons other than meeting national aspirations.

Foreign curricula come with inherent challenges. The values and philosophies that the foreign curricula were based on often clash with the host country’s culture and context. Also, changes in national aims and goals in England resulted in adjustments in curriculum and subsequent examinations in Lesotho. This adversely impacted the school examinations in Lesotho.

School leaving certificates like LGCSE are critical assessments because they determine students’ futures and evaluate schools. These qualifications require students to write high stakes examinations. Analysts, pundits, and governments analyse the results nationwide, provoking anxiety in students and putting tremendous pressure on their developing minds.

The succession of paragraphs that follow assesses the 2008 MoET policy curriculum post the coronavirus pandemic lockdown. I will explore the purposes of the education policy and school-leaving certificates as envisioned by the MoET and propose an appropriate assessment.
The 2008 policy assumes a collaboration between the MoET and ECoL. ECoL administers public examinations. Also, ECoL administers national assessment surveys at Standards 3 and 6 at primary and Form B at secondary school levels.

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Herman and MoET consent that school-leaving examinations’ functions include serving as selection and certification agencies, ensuring that individuals are suited to and competent for their social and occupation roles. According to the MoET, secondary education has a dual purpose. It prepares students for post-school education, including further personality development and certification for the world of work.

The MoET policy makes quality education accessible, relevant and efficient. It transforms schools’ teaching, learning and assessment by modifying Brigg’s constructive alignment. Briggs posits that the school curriculum must align teaching outcomes with students’ assessment. The curriculum must explicitly explain the intended outcomes and declare how they will assess students’ learning to all stakeholders.

The MoET premises the policy on the 1978’s Views and Recommendations of the Basotho Nation Regarding the Future of Education in Lesotho and 2004’s Lesotho Vision 2020. Premising a 2008 policy on a 30-year-old report is problematic because the context and the needs of Basotho change with time. The MoET must update the stale data.

As the name suggests, the policy integrates curriculum into the assessment. It is anchored on the constructivism approach emphasising participatory, active learning. Constructivists claim that students learn by constructing their own meanings. Teachers facilitate learning. Teaching for application creates unpredictability because students come with different background knowledge and experiences. It is difficult for teachers to determine learning outcomes. Teachers must understand and capitalise upon student thinking to manage a process of knowledge construction.

The choice of constructivism as a theory that underpins the 2008 MoET policy needs an in-depth review. The theory is grand in the developed countries, because they researched it, and it worked for them. Lesotho has adopted and adapted a host of tried and tested’ foreign curricula in the past. The outcomes of these imported curricula were ‘disastrous’!

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The MoET’s 2008 Education policy derives from the Basotho philosophical statements of justice, equality, peace, prosperity, participatory democracy and mutual co-existence, underpinning their way of life. It espouses the Basotho motto: ‘Khotso Pula Nala’. The MoET asserts that Lesotho must enshrine the message carried by a Sesotho proverb that says: ‘Mphe-mphe ea lapisa, (molekane) motho o khonoa ke sa ntlo ea hae.’ Which translates: ‘Unless you have your own means, you cannot live to your heart’s content’ [sic].

This is profound, bearing in mind the findings of Molapo, doctoral studies. Molapo revealed that patriarchy is entrenched in the Basotho beliefs system, culture and customs, how they speak, Botho and view the world. The way Basotho conduct themselves, therefore, shapes how a Mosotho child forms knowledge. MoET must optimally exploit Basotho culture to the benefit of a Mosotho child and the nation. Their belief and philosophy must permeate and transcend the curriculum.

The policy integrated curriculum into learning areas that reflect practical life challenges. It created opportunities for learners’ personal growth and economic development. The focus of pedagogical efforts in classrooms is the product, is a learner, the being, a Mosotho child.

The purpose of the MoET’s policy is similar to UNESCO’s Education for Sustainable Development. It allows every human being to acquire the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values necessary to shape a sustainable future. This education means including key sustainable development issues, such as climate change, disaster risk reduction, biodiversity, poverty reduction, and sustainable consumption, into teaching and learning.

It requires participatory teaching and learning methods that motivate and empower learners to change their behaviour and take action for sustainable development. It promotes critical thinking, imagining future scenarios and collaborative decision-making.

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Education for Sustainable Development requires far-reaching changes in the way education is often practised today. This is similar to the 2008 Education Policy. This type of Education is for a specific purpose. But UNESCO states their Education for Sustainable Development in full, leaving out nothing.

The MoET and Herman recognise that education is for personal development in terms of knowledge and employability. The societal agency of education is ‘social development’. I suggest that a more appropriate term for Lesotho and developing countries is ‘social transformation’. Education must transform an individual and society for the better.

The Language of Teaching Learning and Assessment reflects dominating power. Knowledge is usually framed by the identities of those who are in a position of power. Lesotho has two official languages, English and Sesotho. The mother tongue, Sesotho, is a medium of instruction for the first three years, Grades 1 – 3 of schooling, with English being taught as a subject.

From Grade 4 onwards, the medium of instruction is English, with Sesotho continuing as a subject. Basotho must own their knowledge. Using a colonial medium as a teaching, learning, and assessment language does not reflect ownership of knowledge and curriculum.
The switch of instruction medium from Sesotho to English at Grade 4 coincides with a spike of repeaters. It is not clear whether, or not, the switch of the medium from Sesotho to English is based on any scholarly research.

The policy integrates assessment with teaching and learning, where assessment outcomes inform teaching. The education system that supports the new policy must engage an appropriate assessment strategy. An ideal assessment helps improve teaching, learning and skills acquisition. It is a type of assessment in which students use their knowledge to solve real-world problems. That assessment strategy is an authentic assessment.

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The authentic assessment asks students to perform tasks that require them to produce solutions. Students must demonstrate their knowledge in a new context. However, authentic assessments may require more time and effort on an examiner’s part to develop and maybe more difficult to grade. This assessment is pluralistic, involving multiple performance measurement forms reflecting student learning, achievement, motivation, and attitudes.

Scholars Raselimo and Mahao suggest a need to explore the congruence between this policy and the LGCSE curriculum and classroom practice. This may not present a challenge because ECoL is charged with all school examinations. ECoL must be aware of the adjustments that they require to make. They work in collaboration with the MoET.

ECoL modelled LGCSE on IGCSE and is accredited by Cambridge International Examinations (CIE). ECoL collaborates with regional countries: Botswana, BGSCE, Namibia, NGCSE and eSwatini, SGCSE. These are all accredited by Cambridge International Examinations (CIE). ECoL attributes this accreditation to LGSCE international recognition. This assertion suggests that international recognition is a consequence of CIE accreditation.

Introducing a new curriculum and assessment policies make it necessities for teacher retraining. However, scholars show that pre-service and in-service training programmes in Sub-Saharan Africa are superficial and inadequate and have little bearing in the classroom.
Moreover, researchers, Nhlapo and Maharajh found that a few curriculum designers had relevant qualifications. Many had qualifications in other educational fields, such as education management. These curriculum designers did not involve themselves in curriculum-related activities such as presenting at conferences, researching curriculum. The curriculum designers had qualifications that range from junior to master degrees. There are no doctoral degree holders.

We must view information about teacher credentials in the context of national curriculum designers or developers’ quality at the MoET and teachers at schools. Apart from teaching in schools, teachers form part of the pool of expertise from which the MoET draws curriculum designers.
The 2008 MoET policy enshrines Basotho cultural values and customs. It envisages radical reforms of the school education and assessment landscape. There must be a tight collaboration between curriculum design and assessment. The nation must commend the MoET for their endeavours.

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The policy conflates two contradictory issues. It makes the wrong assumption. On the one side, the MoET premises its philosophy on Basotho cultural values and customs. On the other, it proposes a foreign approach, constructivism, to teaching and learning. The assumption is that constructivism works with Basotho children. There is no evidence to support this assumption.

The present coronavirus pandemic provided Lesotho with the opportunity to test the 2008 policy. South Africa proposed a 5% adjustment mark. Whether right or not, they made an effort to compensate for the time lost. Governments, schools were caught off guard and compelled to adapt in a hurry. The MoET policy imbues a strong agreement between teaching and assessment. This article suggests an assessment strategy that espouses the philosophies and approaches to this policy.

The question is whether or not ECoL adapted examinations accordingly? If yes, did ECoL share this information with schools timeously? If ECoL did not, then it subjected students to an unfair examination. This breaches the very foundation of constructivist education and the 2008 MoET’s policy philosophy.

In conclusion, a new policy introducing radical reforms implies a need for teacher retraining programmes. Research shows that teacher education, both in pre-service and in-service training in Lesotho is poor. But, the MoET has to work swiftly to ensure that Lesotho reaps the fruits of her toil.

ECoL and regional examination bodies must decree a complete divorce from colonial examination systems and forge much closer polygamous marriages with African ones. Basotho will judge the quality of these localised qualifications by the quality of the product and degree of social transformation in Lesotho.

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The MoET and all policymakers must refrain from fancy grandstanding statements and draw evidence-based education policies.

Dr Tholang Maqutu

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Down in the Dump: Conclusion

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I closed last week by recording the dreadful news that trashy Trump had been elected called to mind WB Yeats’s poem “The Second Coming.” This is the poem whose opening lines gave Chinua Achebe the phrase “things fall apart.”

Yeats observes “Things fall apart, the centre cannot hold / Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.”

It was written in 1919 and controversially uses Christian imagery relating to the Apocalypse and the Second Coming to reflect on the atmosphere in Europe following the slaughter of the First World War and the devastating flu epidemic that followed this.

It also reflects on the Irish War of Independence against British rule.

In lines that I can now read as if applying to the recent American election, Yeats mourns: “The best lack all conviction, while the worst / Are full of passionate intensity.”

And then I can visualise Trump in the poem’s closing lines: “What rough beast is this, its hour come round at last, / Slouching towards Bethlehem to be born?”

Trump is certainly a rough beast and isn’t the choice of verb, slouching, just perfect? For a non-allegorical account of the threat posed by the Dump, I can’t do better than to quote (as I often do) that fine South African political journalist, Will Shoki. In his words: “Trump’s administration simply won’t care about Palestinians, about the DRC, about the Sudanese.

It will be indifferent to the plight of the downtrodden and the oppressed, who will be portrayed as weak and pathetic. And it will give carte blanche [that is, free rein] to despotism and tyranny everywhere.

Not even social media, that once revered third-space we associated with subversion and revolution in the first quarter of the 21st century can save us because Silicon Valley is in Trump’s back pocket.”

So what follows the triumph of the Dump? We can’t just sit down and moan and bemoan. In a more recent piece of hers than the one I quoted last week, Rebecca Solnit has observed: “Authoritarians like Trump love fear, defeatism, surrender. Do not give them what they want . . . We must lay up supplies of love, care, trust, community and resolve — so we may resist the storm.”

Katt Lissard tells me that on November 7th following the confirmation of the election result, in the daytime and well into the evening in Manhattan, New York, there was a large demonstration in support of the immigrants Trump despises.

And a recent piece by Natasha Lennard gives us courage in its title “The Answer to Trump’s Victory is Radical Action.”

So, my Basotho readers, how about the peaceful bearing of some placards in front of the US Embassy in Maseru? Because the Dump doesn’t like you guys and gals one little bit.

One last morsel. I had intended to end this piece with the above call to action, but can’t resist quoting the following comment from the New York Times of November 13th on Trump’s plans to appoint his ministers.

I’m not sure a satirical gibe was intended (the clue is in the repeated use of the word “defence”), but it made me guffaw nonetheless. “Trump will nominate Pete Hegseth, a Fox News host with no government experience, as his defence secretary. Hegseth has often defended Trump on TV.” You see, it’s all about the Dump.

  • Chris Dunton is a former Professor of English and Dean of Humanities at the National University of Lesotho.

 

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A question of personal gain

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Recently, an audio recording featuring the distressed MP for Thaba-Bosiu Constituency, Joseph Malebaleba, circulated on social media. The MP appears to have spent a sleepless night, struggling with the situation in which he and his associates from the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) party were denied a school feeding tender valued at M250 million per annum.

In 2022, Lesotho’s political landscape underwent a significant shift with the emergence of the RFP led by some of the country’s wealthiest individuals. Among them was Samuel Ntsokoane Matekane, arguably one of the richest people in Lesotho, who took the helm as the party’s leader and ultimately, the Prime Minister of Lesotho.

The RFP’s victory in the general election raised eyebrows, and their subsequent actions have sparked concerns about the motivations behind their involvement in politics.

In an interview with an American broadcasting network just after he won the elections, Matekane made a striking statement, proclaiming that he would run Lesotho exactly as he runs his business.

At first glance, many thought he was joking, but as time has shown, his words were far from an idle threat. In the business world, the primary goal is to maximize profits, and it appears that the RFP is adopting a similar approach to governance.

Behind the scenes, alarming developments have been unfolding. A communication from an RFP WhatsApp group revealed a disturbing request from the Minister of Communications, Nthati Moorosi, who asked if anyone in the group had a construction business and could inbox her.

This raises questions about the RFP’s focus on using government resources to benefit their own business interests.

The government has been embroiled in a series of scandals that have raised serious concerns about the ethical conduct of its officials. Recent reports have revealed shocking incidents of misuse of public funds and conflicts of interest among key government figures.

Over the past two years, the RFP has been accused of awarding government contracts to companies affiliated with their members, further solidifying concerns about their self-serving agenda. For instance, vehicles purchased for the police were allegedly sourced from suppliers connected to a Minister’s son and MP.

The MP for Peka, Mohopoli Monokoane, was found to have hijacked fertiliser intended to support impoverished farmers, diverting crucial resources away from those in need for personal gain.

Such actions not only betray the trust of the public but also have a direct impact on the livelihoods of vulnerable communities. Monokoane appeared before the courts of law this week.

While farmers voice their concerns regarding fertiliser shortages, it seems that Bishop Teboho Ramela of St. Paul African Apostolic Church, who is also a businessman, is allegedly involved in a corrupt deal concerning a M10 million fertilizer allocation, benefiting from connections with wealthy individuals in government.

The procurement of fertiliser appears to be mired in controversy; recall that the Minister of Agriculture, Food Security and Nutrition, Thabo Mofosi, was also implicated in the M43 million tender.

The renovation of government buildings with elaborate lighting systems was contracted to a company owned by the son of an MP. The RFP’s enthusiasm for infrastructure development, specifically road construction and maintenance, is also tainted by self-interest, as they have companies capable of performing these tasks and supplying the necessary materials, such as asphalt.

Minister Moteane finds himself in a compromising situation regarding a lucrative M100 million airport tender that was awarded to his former company. Ministers have even gone so far as to award themselves ownership of diamond mines.

Meanwhile, the nation struggles with national identification and passport shortages, which according to my analysis the RFP seems hesitant to address until they can find a way to partner with an international company that will benefit their own interests.

The people of Lesotho are left wondering if their leaders are truly committed to serving the nation or simply lining their own pockets. As the RFP’s grip on power tightens, the consequences for Lesotho’s democracy and economy hang precariously in the balance.

It is imperative that citizens remain vigilant and demand transparency and accountability from their leaders, lest the nation slide further into an era of self-serving governance.

In conclusion, the RFP’s dominance has raised serious concerns about the motives behind their involvement in politics. The apparent prioritisation of personal profit over public welfare has sparked widespread disillusionment and mistrust among the population.

As Lesotho navigates this critical juncture, it is essential that its leaders are held accountable for their actions and that the nation’s best interests are placed above those of individuals.

Only through collective effort and a strong commitment to transparency and accountability can Lesotho ensure a brighter future for all its citizens.

Ramahooana Matlosa

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Down in the Dump: Part One

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Attentive readers will recall that some weeks ago, I scribbled a series of pieces on elections due to be held in the UK, France, South Africa, and the USA. These elections were unusually critical for the well-being of their countries and even that of the world.

The results of the last of these elections are now with us and we are faced with the devastating news that Donald Trump is heading back to the White House.

I can hardly think of worse news to swallow or to equip the world to survive the years ahead.

The Dump, as I call him, is one of the most odious, dangerous, untrustworthy individuals currently inhabiting planet Earth. To cite a few of his demerits: he is a convicted felon; he believes climate change is a hoax; he is a sexist and a racist (one of his former military advisers has gone so far as to describe him as a fascist).

He is a snuggle buddy of the Russian dictator Vladimir Putin and will probably discontinue aid to Ukraine as it resists invasion by Russia. Western European allies such as France, Germany and the UK are dismayed at his victory, as he holds the principles of democracy and constitutionalism in contempt.

As for Africa, well, he once described it as a “shit country,” so don’t look forward to much support from him.

Readers who spent time at the NUL will remember my dear colleague Katt Lissard who is now back home in New York. She spent some years with us as a Professor specialising in Theatre studies and was the Artistic Director of our international Winter / Summer Institute for Theatre for Development.

Many activists in the USA like Katt, who don’t see themselves as part of the political mainstream, chose to campaign for the Democrats and Kamala Harris in the hope of keeping Trump and the far right out of power. Confronted with the news of Trump’s victory, she sent an email to friends noting this was “just a brief check-in from the incomprehensible USA.”

She then explained: “We’re in shock and the early days of processing, but white supremacy, misogyny and anti-immigrant bias are alive and well and driving the boat here.” So, how do Katt and millions of decent, like-minded Americans plan to weather the storm?

Katt explained: “We were deeply depressed and deeply furious as it became clear that one of the worst human beings on the planet was going back to the White House, but we are still breathing and know that we will in the days ahead begin to formulate plans and strategies—and not just for heading north across the Canadian border.”

Picking up on that last point, it may well be that many decent Americans might just up and off across the border; Canada had better prepare for an avalanche of applications for residence permits.

And not just from Americans; in, for example, the American university system alone there are many many Africans employed in high positions (Professors and such-like), who must now face the fact they are living in a country whose leader despises them and who may opt to get out.

In her email written to her friends, once the news from hell had been confirmed, Katt quoted a piece by Rebecca Solnit, one of the most exciting writers at work in the USA today (readers may remember that I have previously reviewed two of her books for this newspaper, Whose Story is This? and Recollections of My Non-Existence).

Now Solnit is a feminist and at the heart of her work is a dissection of the way women have been marginalised in the USA (let’s remember that Kamala Harris, the Presidential candidate who lost to Trump, did so partly because so many American males could not bring themselves to vote for a woman.

I am thinking of the kind of male who invaded the White House when it was announced Trump had lost the 2020 election, bare-chested and wearing cow-horn helmets on their numbskull heads).

Solnit has this to say on our response to the Trump victory: “They want you to feel powerless and to surrender and to let them trample everything and you are not going to let them.

You are not giving up and neither am I. The fact that we cannot save everything does not mean we cannot save anything and everything we can save is worth saving.

You may need to grieve or scream or take time off, but you have a role no matter what, and right now good friends and good principles are worth gathering in.

Remember what you love. Remember what loves you. Remember in this tide of hate what love is.” And then: “A lot of us are going to resist by building solidarity and sanctuary.”

What is so morale-boosting about Solnit’s piece is not just her vision but also her command of language.
Her writing is so crisp and elegant. Language comes at us at its best, of course, in literature, and when I heard that the Dump was on the move back to the White House, I immediately recalled one of the most startling poems in the English language, “The Second Coming” by the Irish poet WB Yeats.

I’ll kick off with that next week.

To be concluded

Chris Dunton

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