The bow of the rainbow on the distant Blue Mountain range is a sight to behold, reminding one of the reason why Lesotho is termed as the Kingdom in the Sky. The skies here are beautiful, a clear blue for the larger part of the year, and even cloudy they still are beautiful to the individual that understands the beauty of the kingdom’s landscape. Lesotho’s horizon is craggy with hills and mountain ranges on almost every side, and the jutting landforms come in almost every shape and size.
From Kueneng (place of the crocodile) with its crocodile head form, Tlhoareng (place of the python) and Tlhoatšaneng (place of the small python) with their serpentine head shaped forms reminding one of Mathebe with its stegosaur spine rock formation, the hills and the mountains of this here land are of a beauty beyond description, almost mystic. It is on one of those jobs in Maseru where one gets to fixing leaking roofs that one sees the full beauty of Thaba-Telle (Tall-Mountain) far out there in the distant Matsieng royal village of Morena Letsie.
I may be speaking mountains, but the gist of the matter lies in the image of fixing leaking roofs as the primary metaphor when it comes to discussing the issue of rule and governance specifically in Lesotho and Africa in general. Basotho have the idiom of expression hlooho e nelang (literally: a leaking head) and the current political scenario reveals one stark fact: we are a nation with a leaking head (if I may be allowed to be obtuse).
Various political regimes have come and gone since independence in 1966 but none has delivered democracy to the level needed to render the peace, rain, and prosperity inscribed on the national coat of arms a reality all can see and live to enjoy. Complaining that Leabua Jonathan was better or that Mosisili was such and such does not solve the basis of the problem we have: dishonesty. A 1902 book by Minnie Martin mentions in passing that Basotho see no wrong in telling lies. It is an assertion that can be vehemently denied by those dogmatic defenders of who we are as Basotho.
Being the children of righteous Moshoeshoe who was given lessons in truth and wisdom by Morena Mohlomi does not mean that we still hold the same notions and values they did. We have since their passing become a nation of backstabbing self-interested narcissists who thrive more on praise than truth. It is as if we never grew from the infancy we sent ourselves into when we begged of Victoria’s protection in Moshoeshoe’s time.
From that moment on, the Mosotho became a creature of convenience, never giving time to reflect upon the many glaring errors in the relationship between the rulers and their subjects. Moshoeshoe was a man for all seasons, in touch with the people and their needs. The political rulers that followed after independence (maybe excepting the realistic Chief Leabua Jonathan) have been a breed more interested in fashioning skulduggeries aimed at emptying the fiscus than fixing the living conditions of the masses. The interest of the average politician in this country is on finding ways to get the per diem, not fulfilling the lobbying promises.
This is one of the reasons why the current regime sat on a possible murder case until the Prime Minister and the police commissioner were at loggerheads, why the sheep and goat farmers have been robbed in broad daylight, why the gap between the rich and the poor continues to widen, why teachers have not been paid, why we have to be guided by other countries when it comes to our own national reforms. In all these, there has been no audible comment from the government or the authorities concerned, except those mouthpieces on the various radio stations.
This is a nation that elects its leaders on the basis of a political lie, a nation that relies more on emotion than objective outlook when it comes to ticking the polling paper. It is a fact that one finds people defending utter rubbish for the sake of political affiliation and a strange type of independence. It is a strange type of independence that finds the poor getting poorer and the graduate being forced to wash laundry for a pittance. Strange but in a lot of ways proving the fact that political governance in this country is a sham of gargantuan proportions.
It is not worth the paper and the ink to say it, but the truth of the matter is that things are really bad when one finds themselves living in a country where the First Lady is a fugitive and the husband a mere stooge surrounded by a cabal of goons. It has never made sense to me how we can lie about the truth of things to the extent that a country is a mere beggar and quadriplegic: but we have in this here land and shall soon join the ranks of other failed states on the continent and the world. A lie told enough times becomes the truth, so Vladimir Ilych Lenin used to say, and in this country, the lies told at the rallies and in the lobbying rhetoric end up being considered the truth. The deeds after the assumption of office however prove contrary to the truth, meaning that we have been living a lie in every essence with every passing regime.
What is promised in the lobbies actually never comes to the light and there are no questions asked. The election times come again and again, and the same lies are sold to the gullible masses, and they repeat the same mistake of electing incompetent regimes into office. Only the temporary suspension of the current system of political governance shall bring relief to the suffering masses. The sheep farmers that elected the current regime into power got kicked in the teeth by this same government. They will likely vote for it again if they are told another political brew of lies and given vague lame excuses to goad them into voting.
Basotho have become so hooked on the issue of political lies that they have become deluded, headless, and have lost their sense of direction. This is the reason why they are willing to withstand abuse from concurrent political regimes, which is the lead reason why they will work for a pittance even where they deserve more. To top this, the backstabbing still goes on unabated.
Rather than the truth, it seems we are more willing to shine the lead man’s knob, to dilly dally around the truth until it is too late. This is the same scenario one finds when it comes to the former first lady’s death, when it comes to the issue of the farmer’s wool and mohair, when it comes to asking whether the current government of cover-ups still deserves to be in office, whether the messed up education system will ever serve our children right in the future, whether we should stop being a nation of liars and narcissists, and whether this country shall ever progress given the unfolding political realities.
If Ayi Kwei Armah published Beatyful Ones Are Not Yet Born in 1969 and the realities of the novel are seen to unfold even in the present times, maybe we should add to the title by inscribing it as The Beautyful Ones Shall Never Be Born. The motif of the same bus that only changes drivers should be augmented with one of the drivers that actually go on and corrupt the passengers as it is panning out to be in a polarised state like Lesotho.
The literary perspective is quite precise in describing what is occurring in Lesotho’s political landscape. One can never trust the youth movements because their leadership has rubbed shoulders with the corrupted old guard, and as the adage goes, “He that sleeps with the dogs shall surely catch the fleas” applies in this instance. The young ones have tasted what their elders have eaten and they like it and live it, as can be seen in some young minister’s running away with the sacred ceremonial mace in the parliament.
He did it at the behest of the old guard, meaning that the young politician is just a mere pawn in the political game, given the spurious role of harassing farmers for their wool and mohair as payment. What the young man does not know is that every type of war feeds on the blood of the young, that is, the young ones are only there in war to be the cannon fodder. It is a reality the political youth in this land and other parts of the continent do not seem to understand.
I usually get to do the house-leak jobs after some shoddy workmanship by dubious handymen has been seen to fail. Organisations such as the SADC regional committee usually come to Lesotho after some shoddy governance by the different regimes since 1998. It seems it has never come to the mind of the average Mosotho to ask if it is right that we should always have our political backsides and snot-noses wiped by people from neighbouring states instead of doing it ourselves.
Our lying nature is now so deeply ingrained in our psyches that we have lost our bearings. It does not make sense that we claim to be one of the most literate states on the continent but still boast, by proportion, the most illiterate ruling class on the continent. We can never hope for progress given this reality of illiteracy coupled with the issues of bedroom politics and subtle state capture. The basic danger of having an illiterate ruling class lies in the fact that they will never see as far as the literate ones do.
It is myopic to speak of visions when one cannot see beyond their doorstep.
Lesotho boasts high economic potential but still fails because politics have polarised the nation so much that the ideals of charity and love for one’s neighbour have been lost. How then one hopes they can change anything vexes my understanding; because if one cannot understand the plight of being corrupt and nepotistic they cannot change the circumstances of a single street. Showboating is the call of the day, and the native who has two cents more than others thinks they are better than everyone else. From this point stems condescension, selfishness in the form of
affiliation and nepotism, and the ignorance of the facts on the table.
Reliant upon some type of relationship of convenience, Basotho put the poor under the wheels of the bus for the sake of being seen to be wealthy or charitable. There is just no silent act of charity: the cameraman and the journalist are actually invited when so and so goes and ‘gives’ out a few parcels of food to the needy. This raises the question of why we think we can progress if responsibilities that should be subtle are presented as extraordinary affairs.
Instead of doing what we should do (which is to address facts as they are), the tendency is to mollycoddle issues to the extent where they are out of our control. Basotho should have dealt with the former first lady’s death instead of parading coffins on the day of the current prime minister’s inauguration. The lie was that the regime was that of angels and well, what we see now are angels on the run from fate, not understanding the Spanish adage Que serra, serra (Whatever will be, will be). The lies have caught up with those that sought to present themselves as the angels, and as the angel mask peels off, the demon in our politics is blinking at the rising sun’s glare as a vampire that could not get back to its coffin on time.
The nation suffers because the voters are not honest in their election of the leadership. The voters should therefore shut up and swallow the muck of their own brewing in silence. Some of us who have been forced into fixing leaking roofs actually do not care what political fool is in office. We have become oblivious to the political lies, inoculated by the rampant politically influenced nepotism this mite of a state has allowed to fester for far too long.
The wise man knows when to climb onto the roof and check where the leaks are before the rainy season. The problem with this country is that there are too many smart Alecs with no actual experience at dealing with issues. This is the reason why a minister will just go on and sign another African country (Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic) into servitude when Lesotho has enjoyed independence for more than half a century. This deed went on to show how malicious Lesotho can be given that it often seeks the help of its fellow African states when it comes to issues of autonomy in governance and rule.
We live in a leaking house, and the handymen beckoned to fix it do half-jobs and leave it in a worse state. The reality of the matter is that the solution to solving Lesotho’s problems can only be found in the citizenry accepting the simple fact that they have been political jokers for far too long. The time has come for Basotho to be serious about issues and should forget the political fanaticism with which they always replace facts.
Tšepiso S. Mothibi
Harnessing imagery in writing
All writing is imaginative. Every piece of writing reflects the artistry and mental resourcefulness of the writer.
Effective writing also reflects the colourfulness of the writer’s mind and heart; their ability to paint the world to the reader and their capacity or facility of taking the reader with them to beautiful mental and physical and picturesque journeys.
In this piece we focus on how we can hone our creative abilities through the use of imagery and the effect of using colourful and evocative imagery in writing. Let’s go! What if I say, “Learn to prepare wisely and meticulously in time,” you will still grasp the message in a very clear way, isn’t it? But would that be interesting and colourful?
But what if we put it in a colourful manner, “Make hay whilst the sun still shines,” you really grasp the colour and the full import of the message, isn’t it? That’s what imagery does to your writing; it allows you to feel, touch and smell what you are reading.
There is no doubt that the proverb, “make hay whilst the sun still shines” has taken you to the countryside, in a farming community. You hear the bleating of sheep and the neighing of horses.
At the same time, you visualise the good farmer gracefully at work, cutting grass which he is piling in orderly stacks, preparing fodder for his animals in the future. The sun’s rays buoy his attempts and ensure that the hay is prepared with care and colour.
Thus, the point of good imagery is to capture in full detail a world that allows the reader to grasp and enjoy using their five senses. Let me give you a small but beautiful extract which further drives home the point.
“With his machete he detached a brittle clod, broke it on a stone. It was full of dead twigs and the residue of dried roots that he crushed in his fingers.
“Look, there isn’t anything left. The water has dried up in the very entrails of the mountain. It’s not worth while looking any further. It’s useless.” Then, with sudden anger, “But why, damn it! Did you cut the woods down, the oaks, the mahogany trees, and everything that grow up there? Stupid people with no sense!”
Thando struggled for a moment to find words. “What else could we do, brother? We cleared it to get new wood. We cut it down for framework and beams for our hearts. We repaired the fences around our fields. We didn’t know ourselves. Ignorance and need go together, don’t they?”
The sun scratched the scorched back of the mountain with its shining fingernails. Along the dry ravine the earth panted. The countryside, baked in drought, began to sizzle.”
What a colourful piece! The extract aptly paints a countryside’s pulse and the rhythms of seasonal and climate change and how that affects the livelihood patterns of the inhabitants. Have you seen how the sun has been endowed with human-like features?
And the description of the earth assuming human-like features, for instance, “the earth panted.” No doubt, you have seen the earth subdued by the intensity of heat in a way that is similar to a person who is panting.
To paint excellent images the writer needs to have the gift of observation. He/she should be able to observe quite a panorama of things around him and immerse them in the soil of their imagination. Let’s see another good extract where you can discern the link between good images, excellent description and the power of observation.
“It’s in the morning, the fourth watch, to borrow from biblical discourse. It’s damp outside. I brace the slicing chilly weather to go outside. There is a drizzle, constant showers seeping deep down. I pace up at least 400 metres from my hood. I see lined-up, almost cubicle-like houses.
I keep walking, with a spring in the step buoyed by the damp aura wrought by the incessant downpours. I take a deep breath, and step back as it were.
I want to be deliberate. I want to take in everything in my environment; the colours, the diverse hues and plethora of landscape contours. I notice a woman, almost in her forties, from my eye-view assumptions. She is grabbing a basket clutched tenaciously almost close to her big bosom.
She is going to Mbare Musika, the famous agricultural market wherein she intends to buy items for her stall. Behind her, there is a big strapped baby covered in velvet. As she briskly walks, I see her jumping a poodle of water as she observes her stall. I also observe a man, clad in sportswear running trying to cure a big belly.
As I keep watching, I see a woman sweeping her small veranda. I keep walking. I see a woman, plump tending to her garden. She seems animated by the drizzle, thanks to the rains.
I hear another woman, especially her piercing voice, she is selling floor polish. Her voice fills the air. As I drown in the sweet voice, I notice a man staggering. He is filthy. He could have calloused the whole night. He is holding a Black Label quart, speaking gibberish in the air. I keep watching.”
So here were are! Writing is a matter of painting with words, carving images and allowing the reader to experience the impact of all the senses so as to fully grasp the sense of what is put across.
Vuso Mhlanga teaches at the University of Zimbabwe. For almost a decade and half he taught English language and Literature in English at high school.
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Politicians’ propensity to score own goals
Lesotho politicians are often in the habit of scoring own goals. For example, look at the circus that took place in the country at the opening of parliament after the winter break. These events remind me of the article that I wrote with the title ‘Scoring own goals’.
This article appeared in this publication dated March 18 – 24, 2021. It argued that Lesotho’s politicians had a propensity to score own goals.
Many say that education and academia should not involve themselves in politics. This belief is a fallacy. The two are intrinsically intertwined. Education and politics link in a complex way.
For instance, parliament is an organ that passes laws that govern and guide national education policies. The interconnectedness includes the curricula that educational institutions and schools teach. Now, if the National Assembly’s focus is misplaced, important legislative decisions may stall or be derailed by lack of action.
I must make a disclaimer though. I am not promoting any view about a political party. I am writing this article purely as a concerned citizen.
I revisit the own goal tendency of those in authority by assessing the drama that unfolded in politics and governance. I review the recent events that culminated in the failed vote of no confidence against Prime Minister Sam Matekane and his government.
I use arguments from research to demonstrate the fluidity of Lesotho’s democracy. Some politicians often take advantage of this fluidity for selfish gain. I contest that the Prime Minister and his government should treat their adversities as stepping stones to meeting their targets.
A constitution is a living document. Accordingly, to keep Lesotho’s constitution alive, current and relevant, parliament should regularly amend it.
However, in so doing, parliament must be careful that tinkering with the country’s constitution does not compromise the essence of democracy they champion. National and democratic principles must form the dogma that underpins the improvements and amendment exercises.
Personal aspirations, ambitions and creed must not underpin the amendments.
The recent events in and out of the National Assembly make one question the perceptions of the different roles players in the democratic playground in Lesotho have.
First, there was a vote of no confidence that the Speaker ruled to defer subject to the high court’s decision.
Second, there was the allegedly drunken MP’s own goal.
The third is the press conference led by the Commissioner of the Lesotho Mounted Police Services flanked by the head of the Lesotho Defence Force and the Director General of the National Security Services.
It is already a hat trick of own goals. Fourth, there was the statement of the Prime Minister claiming an attempted coup.
The fifth own goal is the moratorium that prevented parliament from holding a vote of no confidence against the Prime Minister before the lapse of three years of his inauguration.
The sixth is the practice of shirking responsibility by MPs. MPs often refer political matters to the national courts for decisions. The seventh, and the mother of all own goals, is the electoral system that Lesotho elected to pursue. The National Assembly has 120 MPs. There are 80 MPs representing constituencies and 40 proportional representatives.
The Commonwealth suggested that Lesotho review the modalities of the PR nominations. Sekatle and the Commonwealth agree that the PR system introduced plurality but at a cost. The cost is what scholars and commentators term minority rights and coalitions.
Also, it compromises accountability and transparency. It undermines the collective intelligence of the voters. Chief Jonathan warned against coalition governments by citing their instability. Political instability plagues Lesotho today.
Sekatle and the Commonwealth cited the overreliance on a threshold in awarding PR seats in parliament, cheapening them.
The PR system ballooned parliament unnecessarily. By comparison, Botswana had a population of 2.6 million in (2021). Lesotho had 2.3 million (2021). Botswana parliament currently has 65 seats, and Lesotho has 120.
A consequence emanating from the PR system in Lesotho is a hung parliament. Since 2012, there has not been an outright majority in the National Assembly. The results yielded chaos. Over that period, PMs constantly look over their shoulders. All these coalitions imploded.
Democracy is about the majority. Politicians must be persuasive to attract votes to achieve the majority. In other words, the PR system rewards failure.
The own goals cause stagnation. MPs score these own goals by serving their selfish interests. They waste time and energy on trivial things. And yet, they receive full-time salaries and earn allowances such as sittings and petrol allowances. How, then, would one explain that the external urging of parliament had to engage in the reforms exercise?
Today, reforms are lying latent. Politicians use the reform programme as an excuse for ensuring that they retain or access power. In the recent correspondences to SADC, the government and the opposition cite reforms and democracy to justify their actions. But as I write this article, there is nothing much that is happening along the lines of these very reforms. Why?
The starting point of any achievement is desire and definitiveness of purpose. The definitiveness of purpose is more than goal setting. It is one’s roadmap to achieving the overall objectives. Elsewhere, I took the definition of desire as explained by the author, Wallace Wattles.
According to Wattles, ‘Desire is possibility seeking expression, or function seeking performance’. All desires began as a thought. Expressing their desires through a manifesto is a means by which parties attempt to concretise them (their desires).
The starting point of an election campaign is the expression of political intentions and goals through manifestos. A manifesto is a public declaration of aims and policy by a political party or candidate. Political parties express their desires for what they will do in their manifestos.
After elections, these desires become the guiding principles and laws. Politically mature voters would then elect political candidates based on these manifestos.
Who instigated and drove the reforms in Lesotho? The contemporary history of Lesotho reveals that external forces pushed the reforms. Basotho merely reacted. They do not own the reform process. High on the list of their drivers are SADC, the US through AGOA and the European Union.
The practice contradicts Wattles’ definition. According to Wattles definition, desire must emanate from inside the individual, or in our case, from Basotho and be expressed outward through actions.
I do not want to comment too much about the involvement of the security agencies in politics. In my view, the relevant bodies, namely, the Law Society of Lesotho, the media and the opposition parties dealt with their involvement adequately.
Former PM Leabua Jonathan often described democracy as the government of the people by the people. But, the meaning of the construct of democracy is fluid and elusive, depending on the position of governance in Lesotho’s political arena.
Authors Hughes, Kroehler and Vander Zanden explain that democracy is a system in which the powers of government derive from the consent of the governed, namely the masses who vote, in which regular constitutional avenues exist for changing government officials.
The authors characterise the system as one which permits the population a significant voice in decision-making through the people’s right to choose among contenders for political office. Also, the system allows for a broad, relatively equal citizenship among the populace.
Lastly, it affords the citizenry protection from arbitrary state action.
Now, the question is whether the recent activities fit all the three criterias. Are the actions of the MPs who moved for the vote of no confidence in the PM’s government acting in line with Lesotho’s constitution and democracy?
This definition of democracy says that regular constitutional avenues exist for changing government officials. The no confidence vote exists in Lesotho’s constitution. But the PM and his security agencies questioned this. They claim the move by the members of the opposition to dethrone the government was a coup attempt.
The drama began when an MP from the ruling Revolution for Prosperity (RFP), Thabo Moea MP, sought an order from the High Court to delay the motion of no confidence against the Prime Minister until after the completion of the reforms process.
The opposition contests that the prayer by Moea stifles a democratic process for self-serving ends. Subsequently, the Speaker cited this impending case to defer the matter.
The constitution of Lesotho stipulates that the legislature is to pass laws, the executive is to approve and execute them, and the judiciary is to expound and enforce them. But a scholar, Nwafor, claims that the courts in Lesotho often intrude into the functions of the other arms of government.
Lesotho ‘s constitution confers powers on three arms of government in such a manner as would ensure cooperation and coordination in governance. The courts ought to bear in mind that the effective discharge of the responsibilities of the courts largely depends on the effectiveness of the other arms of government.
Nwafor brings up the issue of encroachment. He asserts that the powers of the different arms of government in such a manner would guarantee a coordinated discharge of government responsibilities to the nation. But, parliament overly relies on the courts to make political decisions. The practice encourages the risk of overreaching.
The PR electoral system denies Basotho the right to choose their representatives among contenders for political office. Instead, parties ‘hand pick’ these representatives in the pretext of the constituency elections outcomes. Often, these PR members are the ones who lost their constituency elections.
These are the politicians whose constituencies rejected them. They represent their parties and not the voters. They do not account to the voters.
Both the PM and the opposition made presentations to SADC. They overlooked the electorate. Why would SADC have power and not the electorate that elected the politicians to office? Running to SADC, an outside organisation, to settle Lesotho’s internal problems is not a solution. It is scoring an own goal. Lesotho, with its 57 years of independence, should be able to solve its internal problems.
Nonetheless, I have a completely different take from Mokhothu on the issue of the protest march by the RFP. It is unimportant to find the instigator of the protest march. The people to persuade are the voters, the people who put governments into power in a democracy, not external bodies such as SADC.
Napoleon Hill’s creed reads: ‘Every adversity brings a seed of equivalent or more benefit’. Any business person knows that business is a solution to an economic problem. So, the PM and his colleagues in his party who are business people must look at the adversity emanating from the opposition as a seed of equivalent or better benefit.
The government must dig deep to find how the problem may benefit them.
They must identify their failures and use them as stepping stones to success.
Elsewhere, I presented the views of an American scholar and activist, Anderson, who suggested that marginalised communities must cease granting candidates blank cheques. Instead, the electorate must draw their expectations and demand the campaigning party or candidate promise to meet them.
This practice is called quid pro quo. It enforces accountability and transparency.
You scratch my back, and I scratch yours. Quid pro quo is an example of one of the universal laws that demonstrate reciprocity. Reciprocity is the practice of exchanging things with others for mutual benefit. The universal law is the Law of Cause and Effect. It means that for every effect, there is an equal cause. You plant a seed, so shall you reap.
Both the government and the opposition ran to SADC for help. Remember, Matekane is a successful businessman. He has, on more than one occasion, explained that he wanted to use his prowess in business to take Lesotho forward. As a businessman, Matekane has faith in his ability.
Words that come to mind here include self-confidence and trust in himself. He believes in himself. Running to SADC does not display this faith in his ability to deal with problems emanating from his opposition.
Hill argues that riches, or any form of success and achievement, begin with a thought. Faith removes limitations. Matekane must apply his faith as a businessman to become a successful politician.
To summarise, the article explores the events emanating from the fiasco of the no-confidence motion. The individuals who ought to champion constitutional democracy in Lesotho betrayed Basotho by scoring hordes of own goals.
I explored the meaning of concepts that helped me unpack some of these own goals. These were democracy, faith and desire. Also, I coupled these with scholarly research views on the constitution of Lesotho.
I contest that while the opposition may argue that they are within their rights to ruffle the government, the PM must use different tactics. He must display faith and confidence in himself and trust Basotho.
The move to influence the voters to back him deserves a big WOW! He must hold more campaigns to persuade voters to support his government. Voters may make or break him.
MPs waste time in discussing trivial issues that have no bearing on the national agenda. Often, they focus on self-serving matters. The RFP promised to refocus Lesotho towards national development and improving the quality of life.
The article also shows that the PR system does not benefit Lesotho. It diminishes accountability and the principle of quid pro quo. Also, it ballooned the numbers in parliament unnecessarily. It increased political instability by forging formations of coalition.
Politicians must refrain from abusing the judiciary by making them make political decisions. Involving the courts in making political decisions leads to encroachment. Encroachment defies democracy.
In conclusion, Matekane must not allow his detractors to derail his mandate. The same is true for the opposition leaders who attempt to dethrone him. No party campaigned on removing sitting PMs.
Also, the MPs must take the responsibilities that Basotho entrusted them with. It is high time that they make the political decisions instead of shifting them to the judiciary or external bodies.
Matekane, his business associates and technocrats in his government should revisit attributes that made them successful. One such attribute is their faith in their abilities. They must remember that riches (and success) begin with a thought, and faith removes limitations.
Dr Tholang Maqutu
Painting mood effectively
Writing is not different from beautiful artwork. Just like a skilled painter holding a brush with its broad strokes, the writer occupies the same place and vocation in life. Writing is a work of painting life’s experiences, its hues and beautiful unfolding internal journeys. In this piece we focus on mood and how it can be achieved. Many students struggle with understanding and contemplating the scope and ambit of mood in writing.
It is hard to define and frame the scope of mood in writing. What really constitutes mood? Generally, mood encapsulates the totality of the “air” or “spirit” or “aura” that a certain work of art evokes in the human mind, feeling or sensibility. There is a certain dominant feature or streak associated with a certain work of art, place or person.
There is something which is evoked in our hearts which is associated with a certain place, person or event. Every place or event or person carries or imbues with him or her a certain mood or sensibility; and there is a panorama of sensibilities; for instance, a happy or sombre or whimsical mood. We will now focus on a certain extract and discern how it paints mood.
“He quickly rights himself and keeps walking, but there is an unsteadiness to his knees. He has been given many looks in this quarter – dirty ones, blank ones, sympathetic ones, annoyed ones. For the most part, he had learned to tolerate those than can be tolerated, and ignore those that should be ignored, but the look this woman gave him is not a look one gives to humans but to flies, ticks, cockroaches, fleas…Thato feels anger, then humiliation, then something nameless. If he were in his own country he would turn and confront the woman; but now he’s hurt, wounded, a part of him wishing he were invisible. Breathing evenly, he walks with care, only lifting his eyes once he reaches his own quarters, among his own people. He proceeds to his shack. He could stop by Thapelo’s, his neighbour, where he knows that men and women are already congregated to watch videos from home. Yet, no matter the promise of good fellowship and laughter, Thabo does not join them. Watching videos is a form of forgetting; the 2008 elections, the police with batons, the soldiers with guns, the militia with machetes. Do you remember? Limbs broken. Roofs blazing. I remember.”
This extract is characterised by the intensity of feeling and evokes feelings of sadness, despair and pain. The excerpt paints a harrowing and blood-curdling account which produces a sombre, dull and subdued mood. Thato, the protagonist in the story is in a foreign land. He was impelled to leave his country as a result of political violence which saw many people lose limbs and lives. He feels lonely and unwanted in the foreign land. He feels lost and alienated.
There are sentiments of xenophobia expressed through the glances of citizens of the foreign country he is in. Even if he were to entertain himself together with his countrymen residing in that foreign land, Thato still felt a deep and nagging feeling of being an outcast. Thus, we have made very deep and broad descriptions of the circumstances in which the protagonist finds himself with a view to demonstrate how mood is created in a narrative. The creation of mood feeds into the description of the character’s circumstances, his mindset and the space and place in which he finds himself.
Mood, as we have demonstrated from the portrayal of Thato’s experience, has a link with pathos. Pathos is that streak of sadness which pervades a story and creates empathy in the reader. The aim of effective writing is to move the reader and to impel him towards certain sensibilities which are of an affective kind. Mood, when effectively created, allows the reader to grasp meaning which is not directly said in the story or composition.
Meaning in a story is an interaction between the words in a text as read together with the effect of the words, the tone used and the created mood. There are certain words in a text which do not just communicate, but etches in the reader’s mind certain thoughts, viewpoints and feelings. These words would be so evocative. One such word describes Thato’s deepest sense of alienation in the extract given above.
The word describes him as nursing a wish of invisibility, he felt or wished he were ‘invisible.’ His wish for invisibility is of great importance. It portrays how he was deeply affected by the loathing expressed in the eyes of those looking at him with hate and disdain.
So, here we are! Creating a mood is a craft which takes time to acquire and hone. But when achieved, it makes effective reading and allows the reader to get meaning which goes beyond the text.
Vuso Mhlanga teaches at the University of Zimbabwe. For almost a decade and half he taught English language and Literature in English at high school. Send your comments and questions to: email@example.com
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