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  1. S. Mothibi

When an old man teaches, it is the responsibility of the young to listen, and when he preaches, it is wise for the young to pray for the wisdom to discern the full meanings of the message he is delivering. I have for a long time refrained from speaking or commenting on an old man due to the foolishness of youth; a foolishness of the modern kind where the young man and the novice hold the unfounded notion that they know better than the aged and the experienced.

This is the sort of stupidity that believes with a cocky sort of bravado that the ones who have been longer on the road of life are possessive of brains as worn out as the soles of their shoes, the soles that have been abraded by the tarmac and the road less travelled; and therefore, this youthful sort of stupidity contends: the words of the old are not to be given the full attention, they deserve a half ear because their meanings are only meaningful in the archaic, and not relevant in the current, present or contemporary scenario.

I used to think the politics of the old literary African writer were Pan-Africanist in their approach, that they were not relevant in the post 1994 period and the new spirit or influence of tolerance as taught by such great Africans as Nelson Mandela; the old African writer sounded like the voice of a prophet shouting in a wilderness of an age long gone, and it sounded as though it was not meant for the ears of ‘the born frees’: I was very foolish in my stupidity and was loquacious in the defence of my unfounded opinion. This sort of numskull obstinacy went on until I was presented with a ‘Eureka!’ kind of revelation at a conference on the significance of indigenous languages in translation, human interaction and interrelation.

The old man I am to type on this day sounded like an old voice to me despite the fact that he is one of the pioneers in African literature, and his texts are studied the world over due to the depth of their analysis on the relation of man and language; he is a well from which foolish young men and women that have forgotten their roots as founded in their mother tongue can find fulfilment in the form of wisdom.

Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o was born in Kamiriithu, near Limuru in Kiambu district, Kenya, of Kikuyu descent, and baptised James Ngũgĩ on the 5th of January 1938. His family was caught up in the Mau Mau War; his half-brother Mwangi was actively involved in the Kenya Land and Freedom Army, and his mother was tortured at Kamiriithu homeguard post. He is the most respected Kenyan writer, formerly working in English (which he considers the language of colonialism modern day writers in Africa should avoid using in their literature) and is currently working in Gikuyu. His large body of work includes novels, plays, short stories, and essays, ranging from literary and social criticism to children’s literature. He is the founder and editor of the Gikuyu-language journal Mũtĩiri. In 1977, Ngũgĩ embarked upon a novel form of theatre in his native Kenya that sought to liberate the theatrical process from what he held to be “the general bourgeois education system”, by encouraging spontaneity and audience participation in the performances. His project sought to ‘demystify’, that is, to make theatre more accessible to all members of the audience or people involved in its spectacle.

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The theatrical process, in African society in particular, has always been an affair where the actors and the audience interacted, that is, theatre of the African kind is not made up of a hall where the actors on stage and the audience are demarcated by the proscenium, but all are involved unlike in the formal western kind where the audience merely watches and its members are only there as the watchers and the applauders of what is going on in the performance of a play. By demystifying theatrical performance Ngũgĩ sought to avoid what he calls:

The process of alienation that produces a gallery of active stars and an undifferentiated mass of grateful admirers

This process of spectacular or theatrical alienation according to Ngũgĩ encourages passivity in ‘ordinary people’ who should in every essence be involved to fully grasp the gist of the message in the performance on the stage; so that they can find its relevance in their day to day living activities in society, politics, religion, and other aspects of life. Although Ngaahika Ndeenda (published in 1980 and translated into English as I Will Marry When I Want which I deem one of his best and most incisive perspectives into theatre as an interactive tool of communication between the audience and the actors) was a commercial success, it was shut down by the authoritarian Kenyan regime six weeks after its opening.

Ngũgĩ was subsequently imprisoned for over a year (1977 to 1978) at the behest of the government’s policy makers. He was adopted as an Amnesty International prisoner of conscience, was released from prison, and fled Kenya for United States, where he taught at Yale University for some years. He left Yale for a chair at New York University, with a dual professorship in Comparative Literature and Performance Studies, and at the University of California, Irvine. Ngũgĩ has frequently been regarded as a likely candidate for the Nobel Prize in Literature due to his contribution to the development of African literature and the Human Rights issues he discusses in his work. His son is the author Mũkoma wa Ngũgĩ (which leads one to concluding that the master has passed the baton on to the next generation; a necessary point of action which seems to lack in our societies). From the brief biographies on the story of this giant of the literary word in Africa, one realises that the role of literature is not limited to only providing entertaining pieces for the masses to enjoy and to read; literature is also the main tool in addressing the problems posed by the injustices and malaises of character one finds in the political, religious, and social spheres of the African individual. They are not merely words per se; they are guides that the new generation of writers can choose to follow if their work is to have a truly positive impact on the improvement of relations between man and man, man and woman, man, woman, and the children who are in all essences the future of the human race.

The River Between (published 1965) is one work I had the fortune of studying in high school, and the wealth of knowledge one gets from this novel is without measure. The River Between focuses on the lost heritage of Eastern Africans (and to mention with reality, other Africans) through the characters of Waiyaki and his tribe. In this work and others, this giant attempts to correct Western literature’s image of Africa, by offsetting the perspective of writers such as Joseph Conrad in his Heart of Darkness. He was the first English-educated African writer to develop fiction portraying the Kikuyu view of the colonial war, the Mau Mau Emergency or Rebellion, which was a violent uprising by the Kikuyu people against British control. This event put the region in a state of emergency from 1952 to 1960.

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The novel focuses on the conflict between Christian missionaries and the indigenous tribes. It also explores the long-lasting effects of colonialism and the consequences of struggling for independence. These are issues the modern day writer in his or her obsession with the number of followers on social media, and the number of hits his or her comments on the media walls get would consider as of no concern. But upon a re-reading this novel, one soon realises that the indigenous mythology of the people, the customs and the traditions, the aboriginal language and the history of the African peoples are main points of departure from which one should base their knowledge as a literary writer, scientist, or philosopher. One has to retrace the path of their trajectory to know where they will end up in life, and Professor Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o teaches one how to exactly do this in his many works.

One would think that the thorny issues of today are a new affair, but by doing this, they forget the paraphrased proverbial words of the Ecclesiast that what is once was and will go on to be in the future, that is, there is nothing new about the newness of what we consider as novel. Women’s rights have always been addressed by male authors in Africa even before the 1994 Beijing Conference, even before feminists began ostracising men and portraying them as monsters bent on destroying the womankind. The tale of Muthoni and her circumcision in the 1965 novel, The River Between has become a main talking point in all female genital mutilation discussions across the globe. Ngũgĩ addresses its pains and disadvantages in his novel, and through this act becomes the pariah in the eyes of those hardliners and traditionalists whose view is that certain issues should be kept as silent as the Sicilian Mafia’s Omerta (a code of silence that orders the follower to keep secrets until death ignorant of their criminal or heinous nature).

One would be tempted to believe that any author who preaches adherence to native language and culture is hypocritical, if they reveal the inner workings of such delicate issues as customary rites or rituals of passage in their body of work. But objective analysis soon reveals to the novice in me that the position a writer has to take, if they are to pass the true message on to the audience, is of one who chooses to be untainted by personal bias, emotion or interest; the message of peace and harmony needs to be passed on despite imminent threat to the life of the writer: that is the sole role of literature, that is, literature is meant to pass the message on no matter how caustic its speculation, sarcasm, wit, or humour may appear to be to the green critic. The critic in me just had to grow up a bit, experience life a bit more to realise that he who was previously considered a contradiction in personal speculation, is actually a compass one can follow in their pursuit of truth and good literature.

In his speech given at the programme for the University of East Africa 50th anniversary celebrations on the 29th of June 2013, Main Hall, Makerere University, Professor Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o addressed the issue that had bothered me for a number of years on the issue of the use of indigenous languages in African writing. Taught in English, whipped into speaking at school, I must have become a ‘religious’ follower to the use of the English language, and anyone who came forward that writing in English is an abomination that automatically assumed the countenance of an enemy. In short, I had become a protector of a language I did not fully understand. But the speech shows me that I can write in English, but that I have to husk it of the Englishness and start writing in a more African manner. He chose to focus on the use of the word, the selection of proper terms in writing as his speech thus shows:

The word is so tainted by its colonial usage that whatever cognitive scientific meaning it might once have had, has all been but subsumed under its pejorative colonial umbrella. The word has become a code. Once the readers see it, they assume that the actors are doing whatever they are, because of an inherent tribal mark in their character. In the process the real issues of governance, democracy, patterns of property ownership and economic control, uneven regional development, corruption, get lost. It is as if a particular person is corrupt because of his genetic pool, labelled tribe…

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These are truths one hears in the exalted speeches of the priests, the politicians, and the activists and the picture one gets from the myriad of acronyms, expletives and utter mendacities spoken is of an Africa that will never progress unless we follow the words of the humble African who was at some stage incarcerated for his visionary words and acts. Fortunately, the vision he has birthed can be nurtured by the new generation of writers and thinkers if they read deeply enough into the words of this prophet of the letters. Heed his word for it is our compass as a continent, adopt it as a language policy, and you shall soon realise that we are more common than we think. The continued metamorphosis of colonialism will annihilate our mother tongues if we do not take heed. So the professor of the word says.

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Insight

Down in the Dump: Conclusion

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I closed last week by recording the dreadful news that trashy Trump had been elected called to mind WB Yeats’s poem “The Second Coming.” This is the poem whose opening lines gave Chinua Achebe the phrase “things fall apart.”

Yeats observes “Things fall apart, the centre cannot hold / Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.”

It was written in 1919 and controversially uses Christian imagery relating to the Apocalypse and the Second Coming to reflect on the atmosphere in Europe following the slaughter of the First World War and the devastating flu epidemic that followed this.

It also reflects on the Irish War of Independence against British rule.

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In lines that I can now read as if applying to the recent American election, Yeats mourns: “The best lack all conviction, while the worst / Are full of passionate intensity.”

And then I can visualise Trump in the poem’s closing lines: “What rough beast is this, its hour come round at last, / Slouching towards Bethlehem to be born?”

Trump is certainly a rough beast and isn’t the choice of verb, slouching, just perfect? For a non-allegorical account of the threat posed by the Dump, I can’t do better than to quote (as I often do) that fine South African political journalist, Will Shoki. In his words: “Trump’s administration simply won’t care about Palestinians, about the DRC, about the Sudanese.

It will be indifferent to the plight of the downtrodden and the oppressed, who will be portrayed as weak and pathetic. And it will give carte blanche [that is, free rein] to despotism and tyranny everywhere.

Not even social media, that once revered third-space we associated with subversion and revolution in the first quarter of the 21st century can save us because Silicon Valley is in Trump’s back pocket.”

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So what follows the triumph of the Dump? We can’t just sit down and moan and bemoan. In a more recent piece of hers than the one I quoted last week, Rebecca Solnit has observed: “Authoritarians like Trump love fear, defeatism, surrender. Do not give them what they want . . . We must lay up supplies of love, care, trust, community and resolve — so we may resist the storm.”

Katt Lissard tells me that on November 7th following the confirmation of the election result, in the daytime and well into the evening in Manhattan, New York, there was a large demonstration in support of the immigrants Trump despises.

And a recent piece by Natasha Lennard gives us courage in its title “The Answer to Trump’s Victory is Radical Action.”

So, my Basotho readers, how about the peaceful bearing of some placards in front of the US Embassy in Maseru? Because the Dump doesn’t like you guys and gals one little bit.

One last morsel. I had intended to end this piece with the above call to action, but can’t resist quoting the following comment from the New York Times of November 13th on Trump’s plans to appoint his ministers.

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I’m not sure a satirical gibe was intended (the clue is in the repeated use of the word “defence”), but it made me guffaw nonetheless. “Trump will nominate Pete Hegseth, a Fox News host with no government experience, as his defence secretary. Hegseth has often defended Trump on TV.” You see, it’s all about the Dump.

  • Chris Dunton is a former Professor of English and Dean of Humanities at the National University of Lesotho.

 

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A question of personal gain

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Recently, an audio recording featuring the distressed MP for Thaba-Bosiu Constituency, Joseph Malebaleba, circulated on social media. The MP appears to have spent a sleepless night, struggling with the situation in which he and his associates from the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) party were denied a school feeding tender valued at M250 million per annum.

In 2022, Lesotho’s political landscape underwent a significant shift with the emergence of the RFP led by some of the country’s wealthiest individuals. Among them was Samuel Ntsokoane Matekane, arguably one of the richest people in Lesotho, who took the helm as the party’s leader and ultimately, the Prime Minister of Lesotho.

The RFP’s victory in the general election raised eyebrows, and their subsequent actions have sparked concerns about the motivations behind their involvement in politics.

In an interview with an American broadcasting network just after he won the elections, Matekane made a striking statement, proclaiming that he would run Lesotho exactly as he runs his business.

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At first glance, many thought he was joking, but as time has shown, his words were far from an idle threat. In the business world, the primary goal is to maximize profits, and it appears that the RFP is adopting a similar approach to governance.

Behind the scenes, alarming developments have been unfolding. A communication from an RFP WhatsApp group revealed a disturbing request from the Minister of Communications, Nthati Moorosi, who asked if anyone in the group had a construction business and could inbox her.

This raises questions about the RFP’s focus on using government resources to benefit their own business interests.

The government has been embroiled in a series of scandals that have raised serious concerns about the ethical conduct of its officials. Recent reports have revealed shocking incidents of misuse of public funds and conflicts of interest among key government figures.

Over the past two years, the RFP has been accused of awarding government contracts to companies affiliated with their members, further solidifying concerns about their self-serving agenda. For instance, vehicles purchased for the police were allegedly sourced from suppliers connected to a Minister’s son and MP.

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The MP for Peka, Mohopoli Monokoane, was found to have hijacked fertiliser intended to support impoverished farmers, diverting crucial resources away from those in need for personal gain.

Such actions not only betray the trust of the public but also have a direct impact on the livelihoods of vulnerable communities. Monokoane appeared before the courts of law this week.

While farmers voice their concerns regarding fertiliser shortages, it seems that Bishop Teboho Ramela of St. Paul African Apostolic Church, who is also a businessman, is allegedly involved in a corrupt deal concerning a M10 million fertilizer allocation, benefiting from connections with wealthy individuals in government.

The procurement of fertiliser appears to be mired in controversy; recall that the Minister of Agriculture, Food Security and Nutrition, Thabo Mofosi, was also implicated in the M43 million tender.

The renovation of government buildings with elaborate lighting systems was contracted to a company owned by the son of an MP. The RFP’s enthusiasm for infrastructure development, specifically road construction and maintenance, is also tainted by self-interest, as they have companies capable of performing these tasks and supplying the necessary materials, such as asphalt.

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Minister Moteane finds himself in a compromising situation regarding a lucrative M100 million airport tender that was awarded to his former company. Ministers have even gone so far as to award themselves ownership of diamond mines.

Meanwhile, the nation struggles with national identification and passport shortages, which according to my analysis the RFP seems hesitant to address until they can find a way to partner with an international company that will benefit their own interests.

The people of Lesotho are left wondering if their leaders are truly committed to serving the nation or simply lining their own pockets. As the RFP’s grip on power tightens, the consequences for Lesotho’s democracy and economy hang precariously in the balance.

It is imperative that citizens remain vigilant and demand transparency and accountability from their leaders, lest the nation slide further into an era of self-serving governance.

In conclusion, the RFP’s dominance has raised serious concerns about the motives behind their involvement in politics. The apparent prioritisation of personal profit over public welfare has sparked widespread disillusionment and mistrust among the population.

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As Lesotho navigates this critical juncture, it is essential that its leaders are held accountable for their actions and that the nation’s best interests are placed above those of individuals.

Only through collective effort and a strong commitment to transparency and accountability can Lesotho ensure a brighter future for all its citizens.

Ramahooana Matlosa

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Down in the Dump: Part One

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Attentive readers will recall that some weeks ago, I scribbled a series of pieces on elections due to be held in the UK, France, South Africa, and the USA. These elections were unusually critical for the well-being of their countries and even that of the world.

The results of the last of these elections are now with us and we are faced with the devastating news that Donald Trump is heading back to the White House.

I can hardly think of worse news to swallow or to equip the world to survive the years ahead.

The Dump, as I call him, is one of the most odious, dangerous, untrustworthy individuals currently inhabiting planet Earth. To cite a few of his demerits: he is a convicted felon; he believes climate change is a hoax; he is a sexist and a racist (one of his former military advisers has gone so far as to describe him as a fascist).

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He is a snuggle buddy of the Russian dictator Vladimir Putin and will probably discontinue aid to Ukraine as it resists invasion by Russia. Western European allies such as France, Germany and the UK are dismayed at his victory, as he holds the principles of democracy and constitutionalism in contempt.

As for Africa, well, he once described it as a “shit country,” so don’t look forward to much support from him.

Readers who spent time at the NUL will remember my dear colleague Katt Lissard who is now back home in New York. She spent some years with us as a Professor specialising in Theatre studies and was the Artistic Director of our international Winter / Summer Institute for Theatre for Development.

Many activists in the USA like Katt, who don’t see themselves as part of the political mainstream, chose to campaign for the Democrats and Kamala Harris in the hope of keeping Trump and the far right out of power. Confronted with the news of Trump’s victory, she sent an email to friends noting this was “just a brief check-in from the incomprehensible USA.”

She then explained: “We’re in shock and the early days of processing, but white supremacy, misogyny and anti-immigrant bias are alive and well and driving the boat here.” So, how do Katt and millions of decent, like-minded Americans plan to weather the storm?

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Katt explained: “We were deeply depressed and deeply furious as it became clear that one of the worst human beings on the planet was going back to the White House, but we are still breathing and know that we will in the days ahead begin to formulate plans and strategies—and not just for heading north across the Canadian border.”

Picking up on that last point, it may well be that many decent Americans might just up and off across the border; Canada had better prepare for an avalanche of applications for residence permits.

And not just from Americans; in, for example, the American university system alone there are many many Africans employed in high positions (Professors and such-like), who must now face the fact they are living in a country whose leader despises them and who may opt to get out.

In her email written to her friends, once the news from hell had been confirmed, Katt quoted a piece by Rebecca Solnit, one of the most exciting writers at work in the USA today (readers may remember that I have previously reviewed two of her books for this newspaper, Whose Story is This? and Recollections of My Non-Existence).

Now Solnit is a feminist and at the heart of her work is a dissection of the way women have been marginalised in the USA (let’s remember that Kamala Harris, the Presidential candidate who lost to Trump, did so partly because so many American males could not bring themselves to vote for a woman.

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I am thinking of the kind of male who invaded the White House when it was announced Trump had lost the 2020 election, bare-chested and wearing cow-horn helmets on their numbskull heads).

Solnit has this to say on our response to the Trump victory: “They want you to feel powerless and to surrender and to let them trample everything and you are not going to let them.

You are not giving up and neither am I. The fact that we cannot save everything does not mean we cannot save anything and everything we can save is worth saving.

You may need to grieve or scream or take time off, but you have a role no matter what, and right now good friends and good principles are worth gathering in.

Remember what you love. Remember what loves you. Remember in this tide of hate what love is.” And then: “A lot of us are going to resist by building solidarity and sanctuary.”

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What is so morale-boosting about Solnit’s piece is not just her vision but also her command of language.
Her writing is so crisp and elegant. Language comes at us at its best, of course, in literature, and when I heard that the Dump was on the move back to the White House, I immediately recalled one of the most startling poems in the English language, “The Second Coming” by the Irish poet WB Yeats.

I’ll kick off with that next week.

To be concluded

Chris Dunton

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