Insight
Stitching a Whirlwind: An anthology of southern African poems
Published
5 years agoon
By
The Post
This is the first of eight volumes in the African Pulse series from Oxford University Press; as the publisher’s note states “the texts translated for this series have been identified time and again by scholars of literature in southern Africa as classics in their original languages” [iii]. It comprises 42 poems or excerpts from longer poems, with the originals (in Sesotho, isiXhosa, isiZulu, Setswana, Sepedi) printed on the left-hand pages, their English translation on the right. Translators include thepost’s very own Tšepiso Samuel Mothibi.
In her Foreword one of the translators, Gabeba Baderoon, states that when the poems are gathered together they “engage in an imaginative exchange across barriers of language, author and period, overcoming decades of riven conversations” (viii). One notes that this is something the poems are being asked to do, not necessarily part of their authors’ aspiration. But Baderoon’s point is borne out by the anthology. The poems in each language are not clustered together—rather, the arrangement is, roughly speaking, thematic—which strengthens the point about speaking across. On that score, one of the praise poems included is “The praises of a maskandi singer” and one can imagine Basotho readers coming across this isiZulu poem and thinking, wow, how like our own lithoko, but how interestingly different, too.
Baderoon expands on her point: “translation should be our thirteenth language. [South Africa has twelve official ones]. Instead, our literary culture, publishing, and education systems have not kept pace with this polyglot reality” (viii).
Antjie Krog, one of the volume’s translators and its coordinator has an Introduction in which she remarks: “This anthology gives readers a glimpse of the incredible depth and wealth of beauty, knowledge, flair and brilliance found in the literatures of indigenous languages in southern Africa.” (xiii) and the volume bears this out in trumps.
The volume kicks off with love poems and poems on beautiful women, for example, “Nomkhosi of my father” by B.M. Vilikazi: “Your firm steps as you walk / tire a young man courting. / He passes you and then takes a glance backwards, / watches you and tears flow” (3).
Some wonderful words crop up. Everyone will find their own favourites, but mine is the Sepedi mantlhadisabageso, translated as “tawny-coloured.” Henceforth I’m going to use that at every available opportunity.
One of the most striking poems, Otty Nxumalo’s “Why does it keep saying?”, protests at the repeated cry of a dove, reminding him painfully of lost patterns of social behaviour and interaction, a topic that might have proven maudlin but is made vibrant by the poet’s close observation and wit (“Here they eat sweets and ice blocks . . . here they don’t milk into their mouths—they pour from the bottle”; 17). Better known than Nxumalo amongst the Zulu poets represented here is Princess Constance Magogo, whose love poem “Hold me, hold me!” is wonderfully raunchy. The title of the anthology comes, by the way, from one of the most ambitious poems here, in terms of expanse, language, and use of metaphor, “Beloved” by K.E.Ntsane.
There is heartbreak here, too. Gili KaNobantu’s anguished poem “The promised girl” is on the way labour migrancy shatters relationships; this is another non-Sesotho poem that will speak intimately to Basotho. There is a powerful piece by St. John Page Yako on the loss of land, combining close observation with quirky imagery (“We fold up our knees—unable to stretch out, / because the land has been shrunk”; 53). Two poets have elegies on the troops who died in the First World War in the Mendi troopship disaster (a historical incident that continues to fire the creative imagination, with recent poems and a musical play on the subject, and Fred Khumalo’s novel Dancing the Death Drill).
There are other poems on the ravages of colonialism and apartheid. A.S. Mopeli-Paulus issues a clarion call—“African, wake up—the country has been seized by foreigners” (67)—in a poem published just a few years before his leading role in the Witzieshoek cattle rebellion (there is still no monument in Phudidatchaba to those who lost their lives in this). One of the most powerful, and extended, poems, by H.R. Jolobe, is built around the refrain “I have seen the making of a slave / In a young yoke-ox”; 55). And one of the most challenging, even shocking, poems is “A resister’s reply to a Christian convert!” by Nontsizi Mgqwetho, who, as her mini-biography states, is “thought to be the first woman to have written poetry exclusively in isiXhosa” (213).
Roughly in the centre of the volume comes the longest item included (some 130 lines), extracts from the formidable “The poems of Moshoeshoe and others” by D.C.T. Bereng. Remarkable, that poet’s influence, given that he only published one collection—but what a collection!
And there is much more. Mqhayi’s virtuoso poem “Black soldiers”, with its amazing word-play. Mgqwthu’s “The female poet and Abantu Batho”—talk about outspoken! The scathing satire of B.D. Magoleng’s “The principal who hates his work” (“During lunch break you can see,/ the principal plunges into his plate, / Smack-smacking his lips, eating chicken and cake together”; 157). Masizi Kunene’s “Mandela’s letter to Nomzamo”, which prompts a sob, both on account of its beauty, and on account of events that followed its composition (Nomzamo was the first name of Winnie Mandela). A long, harrowing poem by H.M.L. Lentsoane on the events of the first day of the Soweto uprising.
The last twenty pages of the book are taken up with mini-biographies of the poets and translators, the latter with photos. This section includes invaluable documentation, though there are two errors in the notes on A.S. Mopeli-Paulus (Ho Tsamaea Ke Ho Bona is a poetry collection, not a novel, and—a vital recognition in understanding the trajectory of his work—Mopeli-Paulus was born in South Africa, in the lost territories, not in Lesotho).
I could only spot one infelicity in the translations: the ambiguous placing of “from” in “we shall seek protection from your shield” (63; better would have been “we shall seek the protection of your shield”). Some of the poems could have done with a historical / explanatory note, for example, “Dingane and the Boers”, which perplexed this reader.
But this is a volume to be treasured, the Crown Jewels of southern Africa. It can be ordered from Oxford University Press, Vasco Boulevard, Goodwood, N1 City, PO Box 12119, Cape Town, RSA.
Prof Chris Dunton
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I closed last week by recording the dreadful news that trashy Trump had been elected called to mind WB Yeats’s poem “The Second Coming.” This is the poem whose opening lines gave Chinua Achebe the phrase “things fall apart.”
Yeats observes “Things fall apart, the centre cannot hold / Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.”
It was written in 1919 and controversially uses Christian imagery relating to the Apocalypse and the Second Coming to reflect on the atmosphere in Europe following the slaughter of the First World War and the devastating flu epidemic that followed this.
It also reflects on the Irish War of Independence against British rule.
In lines that I can now read as if applying to the recent American election, Yeats mourns: “The best lack all conviction, while the worst / Are full of passionate intensity.”
And then I can visualise Trump in the poem’s closing lines: “What rough beast is this, its hour come round at last, / Slouching towards Bethlehem to be born?”
Trump is certainly a rough beast and isn’t the choice of verb, slouching, just perfect? For a non-allegorical account of the threat posed by the Dump, I can’t do better than to quote (as I often do) that fine South African political journalist, Will Shoki. In his words: “Trump’s administration simply won’t care about Palestinians, about the DRC, about the Sudanese.
It will be indifferent to the plight of the downtrodden and the oppressed, who will be portrayed as weak and pathetic. And it will give carte blanche [that is, free rein] to despotism and tyranny everywhere.
Not even social media, that once revered third-space we associated with subversion and revolution in the first quarter of the 21st century can save us because Silicon Valley is in Trump’s back pocket.”
So what follows the triumph of the Dump? We can’t just sit down and moan and bemoan. In a more recent piece of hers than the one I quoted last week, Rebecca Solnit has observed: “Authoritarians like Trump love fear, defeatism, surrender. Do not give them what they want . . . We must lay up supplies of love, care, trust, community and resolve — so we may resist the storm.”
Katt Lissard tells me that on November 7th following the confirmation of the election result, in the daytime and well into the evening in Manhattan, New York, there was a large demonstration in support of the immigrants Trump despises.
And a recent piece by Natasha Lennard gives us courage in its title “The Answer to Trump’s Victory is Radical Action.”
So, my Basotho readers, how about the peaceful bearing of some placards in front of the US Embassy in Maseru? Because the Dump doesn’t like you guys and gals one little bit.
One last morsel. I had intended to end this piece with the above call to action, but can’t resist quoting the following comment from the New York Times of November 13th on Trump’s plans to appoint his ministers.
I’m not sure a satirical gibe was intended (the clue is in the repeated use of the word “defence”), but it made me guffaw nonetheless. “Trump will nominate Pete Hegseth, a Fox News host with no government experience, as his defence secretary. Hegseth has often defended Trump on TV.” You see, it’s all about the Dump.
- Chris Dunton is a former Professor of English and Dean of Humanities at the National University of Lesotho.
Recently, an audio recording featuring the distressed MP for Thaba-Bosiu Constituency, Joseph Malebaleba, circulated on social media. The MP appears to have spent a sleepless night, struggling with the situation in which he and his associates from the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) party were denied a school feeding tender valued at M250 million per annum.
In 2022, Lesotho’s political landscape underwent a significant shift with the emergence of the RFP led by some of the country’s wealthiest individuals. Among them was Samuel Ntsokoane Matekane, arguably one of the richest people in Lesotho, who took the helm as the party’s leader and ultimately, the Prime Minister of Lesotho.
The RFP’s victory in the general election raised eyebrows, and their subsequent actions have sparked concerns about the motivations behind their involvement in politics.
In an interview with an American broadcasting network just after he won the elections, Matekane made a striking statement, proclaiming that he would run Lesotho exactly as he runs his business.
At first glance, many thought he was joking, but as time has shown, his words were far from an idle threat. In the business world, the primary goal is to maximize profits, and it appears that the RFP is adopting a similar approach to governance.
Behind the scenes, alarming developments have been unfolding. A communication from an RFP WhatsApp group revealed a disturbing request from the Minister of Communications, Nthati Moorosi, who asked if anyone in the group had a construction business and could inbox her.
This raises questions about the RFP’s focus on using government resources to benefit their own business interests.
The government has been embroiled in a series of scandals that have raised serious concerns about the ethical conduct of its officials. Recent reports have revealed shocking incidents of misuse of public funds and conflicts of interest among key government figures.
Over the past two years, the RFP has been accused of awarding government contracts to companies affiliated with their members, further solidifying concerns about their self-serving agenda. For instance, vehicles purchased for the police were allegedly sourced from suppliers connected to a Minister’s son and MP.
The MP for Peka, Mohopoli Monokoane, was found to have hijacked fertiliser intended to support impoverished farmers, diverting crucial resources away from those in need for personal gain.
Such actions not only betray the trust of the public but also have a direct impact on the livelihoods of vulnerable communities. Monokoane appeared before the courts of law this week.
While farmers voice their concerns regarding fertiliser shortages, it seems that Bishop Teboho Ramela of St. Paul African Apostolic Church, who is also a businessman, is allegedly involved in a corrupt deal concerning a M10 million fertilizer allocation, benefiting from connections with wealthy individuals in government.
The procurement of fertiliser appears to be mired in controversy; recall that the Minister of Agriculture, Food Security and Nutrition, Thabo Mofosi, was also implicated in the M43 million tender.
The renovation of government buildings with elaborate lighting systems was contracted to a company owned by the son of an MP. The RFP’s enthusiasm for infrastructure development, specifically road construction and maintenance, is also tainted by self-interest, as they have companies capable of performing these tasks and supplying the necessary materials, such as asphalt.
Minister Moteane finds himself in a compromising situation regarding a lucrative M100 million airport tender that was awarded to his former company. Ministers have even gone so far as to award themselves ownership of diamond mines.
Meanwhile, the nation struggles with national identification and passport shortages, which according to my analysis the RFP seems hesitant to address until they can find a way to partner with an international company that will benefit their own interests.
The people of Lesotho are left wondering if their leaders are truly committed to serving the nation or simply lining their own pockets. As the RFP’s grip on power tightens, the consequences for Lesotho’s democracy and economy hang precariously in the balance.
It is imperative that citizens remain vigilant and demand transparency and accountability from their leaders, lest the nation slide further into an era of self-serving governance.
In conclusion, the RFP’s dominance has raised serious concerns about the motives behind their involvement in politics. The apparent prioritisation of personal profit over public welfare has sparked widespread disillusionment and mistrust among the population.
As Lesotho navigates this critical juncture, it is essential that its leaders are held accountable for their actions and that the nation’s best interests are placed above those of individuals.
Only through collective effort and a strong commitment to transparency and accountability can Lesotho ensure a brighter future for all its citizens.
Ramahooana Matlosa
Attentive readers will recall that some weeks ago, I scribbled a series of pieces on elections due to be held in the UK, France, South Africa, and the USA. These elections were unusually critical for the well-being of their countries and even that of the world.
The results of the last of these elections are now with us and we are faced with the devastating news that Donald Trump is heading back to the White House.
I can hardly think of worse news to swallow or to equip the world to survive the years ahead.
The Dump, as I call him, is one of the most odious, dangerous, untrustworthy individuals currently inhabiting planet Earth. To cite a few of his demerits: he is a convicted felon; he believes climate change is a hoax; he is a sexist and a racist (one of his former military advisers has gone so far as to describe him as a fascist).
He is a snuggle buddy of the Russian dictator Vladimir Putin and will probably discontinue aid to Ukraine as it resists invasion by Russia. Western European allies such as France, Germany and the UK are dismayed at his victory, as he holds the principles of democracy and constitutionalism in contempt.
As for Africa, well, he once described it as a “shit country,” so don’t look forward to much support from him.
Readers who spent time at the NUL will remember my dear colleague Katt Lissard who is now back home in New York. She spent some years with us as a Professor specialising in Theatre studies and was the Artistic Director of our international Winter / Summer Institute for Theatre for Development.
Many activists in the USA like Katt, who don’t see themselves as part of the political mainstream, chose to campaign for the Democrats and Kamala Harris in the hope of keeping Trump and the far right out of power. Confronted with the news of Trump’s victory, she sent an email to friends noting this was “just a brief check-in from the incomprehensible USA.”
She then explained: “We’re in shock and the early days of processing, but white supremacy, misogyny and anti-immigrant bias are alive and well and driving the boat here.” So, how do Katt and millions of decent, like-minded Americans plan to weather the storm?
Katt explained: “We were deeply depressed and deeply furious as it became clear that one of the worst human beings on the planet was going back to the White House, but we are still breathing and know that we will in the days ahead begin to formulate plans and strategies—and not just for heading north across the Canadian border.”
Picking up on that last point, it may well be that many decent Americans might just up and off across the border; Canada had better prepare for an avalanche of applications for residence permits.
And not just from Americans; in, for example, the American university system alone there are many many Africans employed in high positions (Professors and such-like), who must now face the fact they are living in a country whose leader despises them and who may opt to get out.
In her email written to her friends, once the news from hell had been confirmed, Katt quoted a piece by Rebecca Solnit, one of the most exciting writers at work in the USA today (readers may remember that I have previously reviewed two of her books for this newspaper, Whose Story is This? and Recollections of My Non-Existence).
Now Solnit is a feminist and at the heart of her work is a dissection of the way women have been marginalised in the USA (let’s remember that Kamala Harris, the Presidential candidate who lost to Trump, did so partly because so many American males could not bring themselves to vote for a woman.
I am thinking of the kind of male who invaded the White House when it was announced Trump had lost the 2020 election, bare-chested and wearing cow-horn helmets on their numbskull heads).
Solnit has this to say on our response to the Trump victory: “They want you to feel powerless and to surrender and to let them trample everything and you are not going to let them.
You are not giving up and neither am I. The fact that we cannot save everything does not mean we cannot save anything and everything we can save is worth saving.
You may need to grieve or scream or take time off, but you have a role no matter what, and right now good friends and good principles are worth gathering in.
Remember what you love. Remember what loves you. Remember in this tide of hate what love is.” And then: “A lot of us are going to resist by building solidarity and sanctuary.”
What is so morale-boosting about Solnit’s piece is not just her vision but also her command of language.
Her writing is so crisp and elegant. Language comes at us at its best, of course, in literature, and when I heard that the Dump was on the move back to the White House, I immediately recalled one of the most startling poems in the English language, “The Second Coming” by the Irish poet WB Yeats.
I’ll kick off with that next week.
To be concluded
Chris Dunton
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