Insight
The poetry of Dennis Brutus
Published
3 years agoon
By
The Post
I have just been making a follow up and reading poems written to express feelings about life under apartheid in South Africa by some South African poets themselves. One is spoilt for choice – Mongane Wally Serote, Lindiwe Mabuza, Dennis Brutus and others.
I became particularly focused on Dennis Brutus’s well known, very widely read and intriguing book of poems called Letters to Martha.
Apartheid is an Afrikaans word for ‘separation’ – literally, ‘separateness.’ Apartheid was used to describe the discriminatory political and economic system of racial segregation which the white minority imposed on non-whites in South Africa. It was implemented by the governing party, the National Party of South Africa, from 1948 until democracy in 1994.
Apartheid was based on the notion that whites are a superior race while Blacks and other non-Caucasians are inferior races that exist only to serve the white race. The apartheid policies were strict in what was termed ‘separate development.’ The white race lived in its own areas while Africans were relegated to the reserves and the ‘townships.’ The townships were basically squalid high density areas. In the true sense of events, there was no separate development. There was the development of the white communities and underdevelopment of the African communities.
Resistance to apartheid, which took place throughout the period, from its inception in 1948 until democratisation in 1994, included demonstrations, protests, strikes, political action and eventually armed resistance and the poetry in question captures some of these. The poets in question were actually activists against apartheid. Their anti- apartheid activism is well expressed in their poems.
Dennis Brutus was born in the then Salisbury, Southern Rhodesia, of South African parents. Educated at Fort Hare College and the University of the Witwatersrand, he taught for 14 years in South Africa and participated in many anti-apartheid campaigns, particularly those concerned with sports. The South African government eventually banned him from attending political and social meetings and made it illegal for any of his writings to be published in South Africa.
In 1963, Dennis Brutus was arrested for attending a sports meeting bent on having South Africa banned from the Olympics due to its racism. When released on bail, he fled to Swaziland and from there tried to make his way to Germany to meet with the world Olympic executive committee, but the Portuguese secret police at the Mozambique border handed him back to the South African security police. Realising that no one would know of his capture, he made a desperate attempt to escape, only to be shot in the back on a Johannesburg street. On recovery he was sentenced to 18 months hard labour on Robben Island.
His first book of poems, Sirens, Knuckles, Boots (1963), contains what readers have termed difficult poetry. On close reading, you find them employing many of the standard poetic conventions. This was highbrow poetry— tight, mannered, formal, and sometimes formidably difficult.
Schooled in classic English verse, Brutus attempted in these early days, to compose multi-levelled lyrics that would challenge the mind. These poems are sufficiently subtle and intricate as seen below in the poem, ‘Somehow We Survive’:
“Somehow we survive
More terrible than any beast
that can be tamed or bribed
the iron monster of the world ingests me in its grinding maw:
agile as ballet-dancer
fragile as butterfly
I eggdance with nimble wariness
-stave off my fated splintering
Somehow we survive
and tenderness, frustrated, does not wither
investigating searchlights rake
our naked unprotected contours;
over our heads the monolithic decalogue
of fascist prohibition glowers
and teeters for the catastrophic fall;
boots club the peeling door.
But somehow we survive severance,
deprivation, loss.
Patrols uncoil along the asphalt dark
hissing their menace to our lives,
most cruel, all our land is scarred with terror,
rendered unlovely and lovable;
sundered are we and all our passionate surrender
but somehow tenderness survives.”
Then, Denis Brutus frequently sought to achieve ambidextrous idioms that allowed him to make a political and an erotic statement in the same breath. It was during this early phase in his career that he wrote nearly all of his most complex verse.
However, the months he spent in solitary confinement and prison on Robben Island, caused him to go on a soul-searching exercise. He began to reconsider his poetry and his attitudes toward creative self-expression, and resolved thereafter to write simple, unornamented poetry that ordinary people could comprehend immediately.
His Letters to Martha and Other Poems from a South African Prison (1968) contains brief, simple statements deriving from his experiences as a prisoner. The diction is deliberately conversational and devoid of high poetic devices. Instead of seeking to express two or three thoughts simultaneously, Brutus was striving to say only one thing at a time and to say it directly.
Each poem in there is supposedly a prisoner’s letter written to a lover or a relative out there called Martha. We also access this by reading Martha’s letters. You could say that each letter is an artistic diary.
These ‘letters’ snoop into the mind of the prisoner and access all the psychology that goes with being captured and kept somewhere without freedom.
In the very first poem, you learn that on being sentenced to prison, the political prisoner goes through many varied emotions running through him like “sick relief, apprehension, vague heroism, self pity…” The lines are short, the words are simple and the floor is jagged:
“After the sentence
mingled feelings;
Sick relief,
the load of the approaching day’s
apprehension –
the hints of brutality
have a depth of personal meaning;”
The persona is on a trip full of uncertainties. In these poetic short letters, the persona quickly learns that in prison, any sharp object is valuable as a weapon and when other prisoners wield such a weapon, all you feel is the sense of being vulnerable. Prisoners keep sharp objects everywhere including the rectum, for use in the future when necessary.
In this environment of sexual starvation, one also comes across the dangers of being sodomised by fellow prisoners. You read on in trepidation as the persona expects to be violated. However, the rigours of prison are such that the mind loses guard and there is total annihilation of the prisoner that in some cases, some prisoners actually ask other prisoners to sodomise them as one finds in poem/letter 7:
“Perhaps most terrible are those who beg for it,
who beg for sexual assault.
To what desperate limits are they driven
and what fierce agonies they have endured
that this, which they have resisted,
should seem to them preferable,
even desirable.
It is regarded as the depths
of absolute and ludicrous submission.
And so perhaps it is.
But it has seemed to me
one of the most terrible
most rendingly pathetic
of all a prisoner’s predicaments.”
In line with that, some prisoners start to parade themselves as prostitutes for favours and for security. One such prisoner is actually nicknamed Blue Champagne. He would sleep with several men in one night. He is other men’s woman. And with time, he switches over to become a man to other men.
Dennis Brutus further indicates that since little or no information is released from prison, the family of the prisoner out there struggles to survive without the breadwinner. But it is said that their biggest pain comes with not knowing what is exactly happening to their own relative inside prison. Meanwhile, the prisoner continues to hold on to anything that reminds him that he is still being remembered and cherished by his own people out there:
“The not-knowing
is perhaps the worst part of the agony
for those outside;
not knowing what cruelties must be endured
what indignities the sensitive spirit must face
what wounds the mind can be made to inflict on itself;
and the hunger to be thought of
to be remembered
and to reach across space
with filaments of tenderness
and consolation.”
It is this poem, letter 9, that (maybe) spells out clearly the purpose of these letters to one Martha. The persona actually says:
“And so,
for your consolation
I send these fragments,
random pebbles I pick up
from the landscape of my own experience,
traversing the same arid wastes
in a montage of glimpses
I allow myself
or stumble across.”
Indeed, Martha is being let into the confidence of the political prisoner. But at some point, the persona says prison affords the individual opportunity to realise that the company of other humans is supreme to the extent that the mind may start to work. Cut off from the outside, the only contact is with inmates and warders.
The persona that Brutus employs reveals, however, that there are occasions when even this precarious relationship can be constructive. In the tenth poem, he concludes that:
“It is not all terror
and deprivation, you know;
one comes to welcome the closer contact
and understanding one achieves
with one’s fellow-men,
fellows, compeers;
and the discipline does much to force
a shape and pattern on one’s daily life
as well as on the days
and honest toil
offers some redeeming hours
for the wasted years;
so there are times
when the mind is bright and restful
though alive:
rather like the full calm morning sea.”
Letter 16 indicates that eventually one surrenders to the idea that one is a convict and the acceptance starts to run deep and all the decisions one starts to make are based on that acceptance.
Letter 17 talks about how, when one is locked up, ordinary things like the sky, the clouds and the birds “assume new importance” that you wonder if people at home ever appreciate this.
This collection of poems as in “A Letter to Basil” is an exercise in understanding the role of fear in eventually bringing defeat to the individual. Prison is a set up that is meant to terrify the individual and to force him to divert from the route of rebellion and questioning. The prison is physical but the grey concrete walls become part of the individual’s consciousness. In so many ways the mind of the prisoner starts to dramatise the coldness of the concrete walls and a certain death. No wonder in one of these poems, individual prisoners start just to pray without being asked to.
When he finished his term in prison, Brutus was permitted to leave South Africa with his wife and children on an “exit permit,” a document which made it illegal for him to return. He lived in London from 1966 to 1970, where he worked as a teacher and a journalist. In 1970, he took a position as a visiting professor of English at the University of Denver for a year, after which he moved to Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois.
After he left South Africa, Brutus continued writing. His poems in Poems from Algiers (1970), Thoughts Abroad (1970), and A Simple Lust (1973), are nostalgic pieces recalling the beauties and terrors of his native land. In the summer of 1973 Brutus visited the People’s Republic of China to attend a sports meeting. He is impressed by Chinese haiku and this results in the collection of poems called China Poems (1975).
Brutus’s later collections, Strains (1975), Stubborn Hope (1978), and Salutes and Censures (1980), contained poems written over a span of years and thus in a variety of poetic idioms. But in his later verse he appeared once again to be moving toward a balanced position, this time between the extreme density of his complex early verse and the extraordinary economy of his nearly wordless Chinese experiments.
Brutus died of prostate cancer on 26 December 2009 at his home in South Africa. He is survived by two sisters and eight children. He is ranked amongst key African poets who are studied across African universities alongside Wole Soyinka, Christopher Okigbo, Jack Mapanje, Musaemura Zimunya, David Diop and others.
Memory Chirere
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I closed last week by recording the dreadful news that trashy Trump had been elected called to mind WB Yeats’s poem “The Second Coming.” This is the poem whose opening lines gave Chinua Achebe the phrase “things fall apart.”
Yeats observes “Things fall apart, the centre cannot hold / Mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.”
It was written in 1919 and controversially uses Christian imagery relating to the Apocalypse and the Second Coming to reflect on the atmosphere in Europe following the slaughter of the First World War and the devastating flu epidemic that followed this.
It also reflects on the Irish War of Independence against British rule.
In lines that I can now read as if applying to the recent American election, Yeats mourns: “The best lack all conviction, while the worst / Are full of passionate intensity.”
And then I can visualise Trump in the poem’s closing lines: “What rough beast is this, its hour come round at last, / Slouching towards Bethlehem to be born?”
Trump is certainly a rough beast and isn’t the choice of verb, slouching, just perfect? For a non-allegorical account of the threat posed by the Dump, I can’t do better than to quote (as I often do) that fine South African political journalist, Will Shoki. In his words: “Trump’s administration simply won’t care about Palestinians, about the DRC, about the Sudanese.
It will be indifferent to the plight of the downtrodden and the oppressed, who will be portrayed as weak and pathetic. And it will give carte blanche [that is, free rein] to despotism and tyranny everywhere.
Not even social media, that once revered third-space we associated with subversion and revolution in the first quarter of the 21st century can save us because Silicon Valley is in Trump’s back pocket.”
So what follows the triumph of the Dump? We can’t just sit down and moan and bemoan. In a more recent piece of hers than the one I quoted last week, Rebecca Solnit has observed: “Authoritarians like Trump love fear, defeatism, surrender. Do not give them what they want . . . We must lay up supplies of love, care, trust, community and resolve — so we may resist the storm.”
Katt Lissard tells me that on November 7th following the confirmation of the election result, in the daytime and well into the evening in Manhattan, New York, there was a large demonstration in support of the immigrants Trump despises.
And a recent piece by Natasha Lennard gives us courage in its title “The Answer to Trump’s Victory is Radical Action.”
So, my Basotho readers, how about the peaceful bearing of some placards in front of the US Embassy in Maseru? Because the Dump doesn’t like you guys and gals one little bit.
One last morsel. I had intended to end this piece with the above call to action, but can’t resist quoting the following comment from the New York Times of November 13th on Trump’s plans to appoint his ministers.
I’m not sure a satirical gibe was intended (the clue is in the repeated use of the word “defence”), but it made me guffaw nonetheless. “Trump will nominate Pete Hegseth, a Fox News host with no government experience, as his defence secretary. Hegseth has often defended Trump on TV.” You see, it’s all about the Dump.
- Chris Dunton is a former Professor of English and Dean of Humanities at the National University of Lesotho.
Recently, an audio recording featuring the distressed MP for Thaba-Bosiu Constituency, Joseph Malebaleba, circulated on social media. The MP appears to have spent a sleepless night, struggling with the situation in which he and his associates from the Revolution for Prosperity (RFP) party were denied a school feeding tender valued at M250 million per annum.
In 2022, Lesotho’s political landscape underwent a significant shift with the emergence of the RFP led by some of the country’s wealthiest individuals. Among them was Samuel Ntsokoane Matekane, arguably one of the richest people in Lesotho, who took the helm as the party’s leader and ultimately, the Prime Minister of Lesotho.
The RFP’s victory in the general election raised eyebrows, and their subsequent actions have sparked concerns about the motivations behind their involvement in politics.
In an interview with an American broadcasting network just after he won the elections, Matekane made a striking statement, proclaiming that he would run Lesotho exactly as he runs his business.
At first glance, many thought he was joking, but as time has shown, his words were far from an idle threat. In the business world, the primary goal is to maximize profits, and it appears that the RFP is adopting a similar approach to governance.
Behind the scenes, alarming developments have been unfolding. A communication from an RFP WhatsApp group revealed a disturbing request from the Minister of Communications, Nthati Moorosi, who asked if anyone in the group had a construction business and could inbox her.
This raises questions about the RFP’s focus on using government resources to benefit their own business interests.
The government has been embroiled in a series of scandals that have raised serious concerns about the ethical conduct of its officials. Recent reports have revealed shocking incidents of misuse of public funds and conflicts of interest among key government figures.
Over the past two years, the RFP has been accused of awarding government contracts to companies affiliated with their members, further solidifying concerns about their self-serving agenda. For instance, vehicles purchased for the police were allegedly sourced from suppliers connected to a Minister’s son and MP.
The MP for Peka, Mohopoli Monokoane, was found to have hijacked fertiliser intended to support impoverished farmers, diverting crucial resources away from those in need for personal gain.
Such actions not only betray the trust of the public but also have a direct impact on the livelihoods of vulnerable communities. Monokoane appeared before the courts of law this week.
While farmers voice their concerns regarding fertiliser shortages, it seems that Bishop Teboho Ramela of St. Paul African Apostolic Church, who is also a businessman, is allegedly involved in a corrupt deal concerning a M10 million fertilizer allocation, benefiting from connections with wealthy individuals in government.
The procurement of fertiliser appears to be mired in controversy; recall that the Minister of Agriculture, Food Security and Nutrition, Thabo Mofosi, was also implicated in the M43 million tender.
The renovation of government buildings with elaborate lighting systems was contracted to a company owned by the son of an MP. The RFP’s enthusiasm for infrastructure development, specifically road construction and maintenance, is also tainted by self-interest, as they have companies capable of performing these tasks and supplying the necessary materials, such as asphalt.
Minister Moteane finds himself in a compromising situation regarding a lucrative M100 million airport tender that was awarded to his former company. Ministers have even gone so far as to award themselves ownership of diamond mines.
Meanwhile, the nation struggles with national identification and passport shortages, which according to my analysis the RFP seems hesitant to address until they can find a way to partner with an international company that will benefit their own interests.
The people of Lesotho are left wondering if their leaders are truly committed to serving the nation or simply lining their own pockets. As the RFP’s grip on power tightens, the consequences for Lesotho’s democracy and economy hang precariously in the balance.
It is imperative that citizens remain vigilant and demand transparency and accountability from their leaders, lest the nation slide further into an era of self-serving governance.
In conclusion, the RFP’s dominance has raised serious concerns about the motives behind their involvement in politics. The apparent prioritisation of personal profit over public welfare has sparked widespread disillusionment and mistrust among the population.
As Lesotho navigates this critical juncture, it is essential that its leaders are held accountable for their actions and that the nation’s best interests are placed above those of individuals.
Only through collective effort and a strong commitment to transparency and accountability can Lesotho ensure a brighter future for all its citizens.
Ramahooana Matlosa
Attentive readers will recall that some weeks ago, I scribbled a series of pieces on elections due to be held in the UK, France, South Africa, and the USA. These elections were unusually critical for the well-being of their countries and even that of the world.
The results of the last of these elections are now with us and we are faced with the devastating news that Donald Trump is heading back to the White House.
I can hardly think of worse news to swallow or to equip the world to survive the years ahead.
The Dump, as I call him, is one of the most odious, dangerous, untrustworthy individuals currently inhabiting planet Earth. To cite a few of his demerits: he is a convicted felon; he believes climate change is a hoax; he is a sexist and a racist (one of his former military advisers has gone so far as to describe him as a fascist).
He is a snuggle buddy of the Russian dictator Vladimir Putin and will probably discontinue aid to Ukraine as it resists invasion by Russia. Western European allies such as France, Germany and the UK are dismayed at his victory, as he holds the principles of democracy and constitutionalism in contempt.
As for Africa, well, he once described it as a “shit country,” so don’t look forward to much support from him.
Readers who spent time at the NUL will remember my dear colleague Katt Lissard who is now back home in New York. She spent some years with us as a Professor specialising in Theatre studies and was the Artistic Director of our international Winter / Summer Institute for Theatre for Development.
Many activists in the USA like Katt, who don’t see themselves as part of the political mainstream, chose to campaign for the Democrats and Kamala Harris in the hope of keeping Trump and the far right out of power. Confronted with the news of Trump’s victory, she sent an email to friends noting this was “just a brief check-in from the incomprehensible USA.”
She then explained: “We’re in shock and the early days of processing, but white supremacy, misogyny and anti-immigrant bias are alive and well and driving the boat here.” So, how do Katt and millions of decent, like-minded Americans plan to weather the storm?
Katt explained: “We were deeply depressed and deeply furious as it became clear that one of the worst human beings on the planet was going back to the White House, but we are still breathing and know that we will in the days ahead begin to formulate plans and strategies—and not just for heading north across the Canadian border.”
Picking up on that last point, it may well be that many decent Americans might just up and off across the border; Canada had better prepare for an avalanche of applications for residence permits.
And not just from Americans; in, for example, the American university system alone there are many many Africans employed in high positions (Professors and such-like), who must now face the fact they are living in a country whose leader despises them and who may opt to get out.
In her email written to her friends, once the news from hell had been confirmed, Katt quoted a piece by Rebecca Solnit, one of the most exciting writers at work in the USA today (readers may remember that I have previously reviewed two of her books for this newspaper, Whose Story is This? and Recollections of My Non-Existence).
Now Solnit is a feminist and at the heart of her work is a dissection of the way women have been marginalised in the USA (let’s remember that Kamala Harris, the Presidential candidate who lost to Trump, did so partly because so many American males could not bring themselves to vote for a woman.
I am thinking of the kind of male who invaded the White House when it was announced Trump had lost the 2020 election, bare-chested and wearing cow-horn helmets on their numbskull heads).
Solnit has this to say on our response to the Trump victory: “They want you to feel powerless and to surrender and to let them trample everything and you are not going to let them.
You are not giving up and neither am I. The fact that we cannot save everything does not mean we cannot save anything and everything we can save is worth saving.
You may need to grieve or scream or take time off, but you have a role no matter what, and right now good friends and good principles are worth gathering in.
Remember what you love. Remember what loves you. Remember in this tide of hate what love is.” And then: “A lot of us are going to resist by building solidarity and sanctuary.”
What is so morale-boosting about Solnit’s piece is not just her vision but also her command of language.
Her writing is so crisp and elegant. Language comes at us at its best, of course, in literature, and when I heard that the Dump was on the move back to the White House, I immediately recalled one of the most startling poems in the English language, “The Second Coming” by the Irish poet WB Yeats.
I’ll kick off with that next week.
To be concluded
Chris Dunton
Knives out for Molelle
Massive salary hike for chiefs
Maqelepo says suspension deeply flawed
Initiation boys sexually molested
Battle for top DC post erupts
The ‘side job’ of sex work
Manyokole, ‘Bikerboy’ cleared of fraud charges
Four struck by lightining
Tempers boil over passports
Big questions for Molelle
Jackals are hunting
Pressing the Knorx Stereo
The mouth
Ramakongoana off to World Athletics Championships
Ramalefane request unsettles Matlama
Weekly Police Report
Reforms: time to change hearts and minds
The middle class have failed us
Coalition politics are bad for development
No peace plan, no economic recovery
Professionalising education
We have lost our moral indignation
Academic leadership, curriculum and pedagogy
Mokeki’s road to stardom
DCEO raids PS’
Literature and reality
Bringing the spark back to schools
The ABC blew its chance
I made Matekane rich: Moleleki
Musician dumps ABC
Bofuma, boimana li nts’a bana likolong
BNP infighting
Mahao o seboko ka ho phahama hoa litheko
Contract Farming Launch
7,5 Million Dollars For Needy Children
Ba ahileng lipuleng ba falle ha nakoana
Ba ahileng lipuleng ba falle ha nakoana
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Mahao o re masholu a e ts’oareloe
‘Our Members Voted RFP’ Says Metsing
SENATE OPENS
Matekane’s 100 Days Plan
High Profile Cases in Limbo
130 Law Students Graduate From NUL
Metsing and Mochoboroane Case Postponed
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