News

A harvest of thorns

Published

3 years ago

November 23, 2021

MASERU – ONE day in the mid-1970s Utloang Sello felt his life was in danger. He decided to flee to Botswana, fearing torture by the Basotho National Party (BNP) government led by the late Chief Leabua Jonathan.
Feeling safe, he decided to return home in 1987. Misery awaited him.
“I missed my family,” Sello, now 81, told thepost
There was no family to welcome Sello when he returned home to Lesotho in 1987. His wife had left together with their children.
“I had no home to go to,” he said.

Since then Sello has been living in the home of a nephew who felt sorry for him. He said he has never garnered enough funds to rebuild his home.
“No wife, no children and no home. I am old, I will die a disappointed man,” he said, summing up his situation.
The political history of Lesotho is characterised by turmoil, dictatorship and state sponsored torture and killings that forced many Basotho to skip the country.

In the 1970s, some people particularly those supporting the congress movement, fled Lesotho alleging that their lives were at risk.
Many left the country for South Africa for good but still retained Lesotho citizenship.
As political tensions soared, the leader of the Basotho Congress Party (BCP) Dr Ntsu Mokhehle skipped the country to seek asylum in Botswana and later in South Africa.

Hundreds of members of his party who felt the brunt of Chief Leabua Jonathan’s wrath left with him and later formed a rebel group called the Lesotho Liberation Army (LLA).
Sello, from Ha-Makhathe in Mohale’s Hoek, was a combatant in the guerilla force fighting “a struggle for liberation”. Like many others, he ended up fleeing.

Leaving their families behind to live in a foreign land was one of the toughest decisions the guerillas had to make, he said.
“Our lives were full of suffering and agony,” said Sello, a former teacher.
From Botswana, where Sello and his group first sought refuge, they headed to Libya for military training.
Such training was also conducted in countries such as Uganda and Tanzania.

Sello recounted the time of hardships in Tanzania.
“We used to stay in a bizarre and wild environment,” he recalled, adding that they were not living in towns.
“You could see an elephant or lion nearby. But you were not allowed to shoot it,” he said.
He said they went through “massive military training” to topple Chief Jonathan’s government.

Sello said he was in the first group to return home in the southern districts of Mafeteng, Mohale’s Hoek and Quthing in 1987.
Others returned in later years after the army toppled Jonathan.
He said he went through Zambia to meet Dr Mokhehle who was holed up in that country.
Returning to the country was not a stroll in the park as he used an illegal entry point. He didn’t know the agony he was walking into.

Leaving the family behind when he went into hiding proved “disastrous and catastrophic”.
“My family disintegrated when I skipped the country. I lost responsibility of the family. There was no control while I was in exile,” he said.
He said the then Organisation of African Unity (OAU), now the African Union (AU) supported the exiles “against all odds”.
Sello said he spent “a long time” coming in and out of the country spying on the movements of Lesotho security institutions.

His assignment was to work in the southern districts of Mafeteng, Mohale’s Hoek and Quthing.
“The work was dangerous because I could only walk at night,” said Sello.
“I toiled and suffered because I had to do this work with the utmost intelligence. I had to walk because taking a car would mean that some people could identify him.

“It was not easy to do the job. The world knows how hard it was,” he said. “Our efforts and sacrifices were however never acknowledged.”
In January 1986 Jonathan’s own army toppled him, opening the way for the exiles to return home starting from 1987 until 1992 when the country prepared for the first democratic elections since 1970.
Sello said he was expecting to be recruited into the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) together with his comrades as per the AU recommendation.
Unfortunately for people like Sello, their leader Mokhehle disbanded the LLA and it was no longer recognised as a military force at home and abroad.

Their dream of being incorporated into the national army died, and the BCP leadership did little to help the guerillas.
“Worse, Mokhehle made a public statement saying he never invited the guerillas to work with him. We got nothing in return. No benefits,” Sello lamented.
He said BCP disowned them at a time when they thought they would protect them.

It was only in 2012 when the government led by Pakalitha Mosisili, a former exile but who did not join the LLA, decided to pay the cadres M300 each monthly as their pension.
The government’s decisions to give the war veterans a pension came two months after the Lesotho Liberation Army Veterans Association (LLA-VETA) announced that its members would stand for election under the flag of the Lesotho People’s Congress (LPC).

The then LLA-VETA chairperson, Fusi Koetje, had announced that the association had resolved to go to parliament through one of the congress parties after they got a cold shoulder from the then ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), a BCP splinter party, when they wanted their plight discussed.
Sello said the ex-combatants tried to form income generating societies to help them escape poverty without much success.
He cited the formation of the LLA-VETA as an example of such societies.
One of the responsibilities of the LLA-VETA was to repatriate the remains of Basotho freedom fighters who died in foreign countries.

Sello said some of their responsibilities included teaching their loyal supporters about guerrilla warfare.
“A lot happened during the struggle,” Sello said.
Another ex-LLA combatant, Lebohang Sekotlo, 70, from Quthing in Masitise, said he was working in the South African mines when he joined the military movement under the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), which had ties with the BCP.
The PAC is a South African national liberation Pan-Africanist movement that is now a political party.
That was back in 1975.

“I was still a boy at that time,” Sekotlo said.
He said he was compelled to join the movement because his family back in Lesotho was being persecuted for being members of the BCP.
The LLA was a guerrilla movement in Lesotho, formed in the mid-1970s and connected to the anti-apartheid Azanian People’s Liberation Army (APLA), which was the PAC’s military wing.

The LLA was the armed wing of the BCP, a pan-Africanist and left-wing political party founded in 1952, which opposed the regime of Prime Minister Jonathan.
The PAC, he said, at the time was chaired by Potlako Leballo who was from Mafeteng.
Because the movement was supported by the United Nations, it was provided with some basic items to save them against starvation.
Sekotlo said Dr Mokhehle was part of the movement.

He said he trained under the umbrella of the PAC by the Azania People’s Liberation Army (APLA) in different countries such as Tanzania, Libya and Syria.
The LLA was fighting to restore the Lesotho constitution which Chief Jonathan had suspended and banned all political movements in the country except his own BNP, which formed its own militia called Lebotho la Khotso (Army of Peace).
“It was only Chief Leabua who had power,” Sekotlo recalled.
He said their mandate was to topple Chief Jonathan.

He said members of his family were in distress because of the persecution caused by his decision to join the armed struggle.
Sekotlo said Leballo was toppled as the chairman of the PAC and the PAC refused to support them afterwards.
Then they were forced to be independent from any other movement.
This saw the Basotho mine workers who were against Chief Jonathan coming together to form the LLA.

“The BCP had to be supported by its members,” Sekotlo said, adding that the mission was to topple the Jonathan-led government without any bloodshed.
“We had our people in the Lesotho army,” Sekotlo said.
He said the Afrikaners who were in power at the time in South Africa arrested about 30 Basotho who were returning from training.
The Afrikaners handed over those people to the BNP government that executed them at Setibing, the Lesotho army’s training camp.
A lot happened at that time, Sekotlo said.

“While we were still trying to see how we could remove Chief Jonathan from power, the military toppled him in 1986,” he said.
Sekotlo said it took about three to four weeks to inaugurate Dr Mokhehle after his BCP won elections because “there were a lot of conditions that were put by the Afrikaners in South Africa”.
He said one of the conditions was for Dr Mokhele to disband the LLA because the guerillas were trained personnel who were deemed a threat to South Africa.

The majority of the LLA ex-combatants have been wallowing in poverty after only a selected few were given jobs in different government departments.
“Many have died disappointed,” said Sello.
“I will probably also die a disappointed man like many of my comrades,” he said.

Majara Molupe

News

Knives out for Molelle

Published

6 days ago

January 13, 2025

The Post

MASERU

KNORX Molelle’s appointment as the Director General of the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Offences (DCEO) in February 2023 could have been illegal.

The Law Society of Lesotho has told Prime Minister Sam Matekane that Molelle was appointed without being admitted as a legal practitioner in Lesotho, as required by law.

The society claims the information came from a whistleblower on January 2 and was corroborated by its roll of legal practitioners in Lesotho.

The society says the appointment violates section 4 of the Prevention of Corruption and Economic Offences Act 1999 which states that a person shall not be appointed as the DCEO director general unless they have been admitted as a legal practitioner in terms of the Legal Practitioners Act.

In the letter, Advocate Ithabeleng Phamotse, the society’s secretary, tells Matekane that this requirement “is not a mere procedural formality but a substantive qualification essential to the lawful appointment of the Director General”.

“The absence of such qualification fatally impairs the appointment ab initio, rendering it null and void from the outset,” Advocate Phamotse says in the letter written on Tuesday.

The society argues that if left unaddressed the illegality undermines the credibility, effectiveness and legality of the DCEO’s operations and exposes the kingdom to serious risks, including challenges to the lawfulness of decisions and actions made by Molelle.

“Should it be confirmed that the appointment was made in contravention of the mandatory legal requirements,” Advocate Phamotse said, “we respectfully urge you to take immediate corrective action to rectify this glaring irregularity”.

Advocate Phamotse tells the prime minister that if the appointment is not corrected, the society would be “left with no alternative but to institute legal proceedings to protect the interests of justice and uphold the rule of law in Lesotho”.

“We trust that you will accord this matter your highest priority and act decisively to avert further damage to the integrity of our governance structures.”

The Prime Minister’s spokesman, Thapelo Mabote, said they received the letter but Matekane had not yet read it yesterday.

Matekane is on leave and is expected back in the office on January 14.

Questions over the validity of his appointment come as Molelle is being haunted by the damaging audio clips that were leaked last week.

The clips were clandestinely recorded by Basotho National Party leader, Machesetsa Mofomobe.

In some of the clips, Molelle appears to be describing Matekane and his deputy Justice Nthomeng Majara as idiots. He also appears to be calling Law Minister Richard Ramoeletsi a devil.

In other clips, he seems to be discussing cases. thepost has not independently verified the authenticity of the audio clips.

Staff Reporter

News

Massive salary hike for chiefs

Published

6 days ago

January 13, 2025

The Post

MASERU

THE government has increased the salaries for traditional leaders by a massive 88.5 percent.

This means that a village chief not appointed by a gazette will now earn M3 001 a month, up from the previous salary of M1 592. That means village chiefs will now earn an extra M1 409 per month.

A village chief, or headman, appointed by a gazette has moved from M1 966 to M3 567 per month.

Above a village chief is one with jurisdiction over a small cluster of villages, a category three chief, who now moves from M3 768 to M5 181 per month.

A category four chief, known as ward chief, has moved from M4 455 per month to M7 993.

The category five chief, who reports directly to a principal chief, will now earn M10 674, up from M9 939 per month.

There is no increment for principal chiefs.

The government says the budget for chiefs’ salaries has moved from M129.4 million to M208.3 million annually.

The hike follows a series of discussions between the Lesotho Workers Association, representing the chiefs, and the Ministry of Local Government and Chieftainship.

The revised salaries will be implemented with effect from April 1, 2025.

According to the settlement agreement, a discussion about raising the lowest salary of M6 000 for the lowest-ranking chiefs will be revisited in October 2025.

Chiefs who spoke to thepost have expressed satisfaction with the hike, saying it will significantly improve their lives.

Chief Mopeli Matsoso of Ha-Tikoe in Maseru said his previous salary of M1 500 per month would now be doubled, which would improve his life and help provide smoother services to the community.

He stressed that they used to close the offices while going out looking for jobs to compensate for their little salaries.

“Now the people will get smoother services,” Chief Matsoso said.

“The offices will forever be open,” he said.

Chief Matsoso said the salary hike will also serve as a motivation for other chiefs.

Chief Tumo Majara of Liboping, Mokhethoaneng, also expressed his gratitude.

Chief Majara acknowledge the positive impact the salary review would have, especially as a new officeholder.

“I guess we are all happy, that review will help a lot,” he said.

The Principal Chief of Thaba-Bosiu, Khoabane Theko, said the salary increase of chief is a welcome move by the government.

“I’m yet to study how the new salary structure looks like. But I welcome it as a good move by the government,”Chief Theko said.

Nkheli Liphoto

News

Maqelepo says suspension deeply flawed

Published

6 days ago

January 13, 2025

The Post

MASERU

Motlatsi Maqelepo, the embattled Basotho Action Party (BAP) deputy leader and Tello Kibane, who was the party chairman, have rejected their suspension from the party arguing it was legally flawed.

The BAP’s central executive committee on Tuesday suspended Maqelepo for seven years and Kibane for five years. The suspensions became effective on the same day.

The party’s disciplinary committee which met last Wednesday had recommended an expulsion for the two but that decision was rejected with the committee pushing for a lengthy suspension.

Maqelepo’s suspension will end on January 7, 2032 while Kibane’s will run until January 7, 2030.

Their suspension letters from the BAP deputy secretary general Victoria Qheku, say they should not participate in any of the party’s activities.

“In effect, you are relieved of your responsibility as a CEC member and BAP deputy leader,” Maqelepo was told in the letter.

“You were found guilty by default on all charges and the committee recommended your immediate dismissal from the party,” the letter reads.

On Kibane, the verdict states that the committee decided to mitigate the recommended sanction by reducing his suspension to five years.

“In the gravity of the charges, the suspension affects your membership in the BAP parliamentary caucus from which you are removed as a chairman.”

They were suspended in absentia after they refused to attend the disciplinary hearing, which they said was illegal.

In response to the suspension, Maqelepo wrote a letter addressing the BAP members in general, defying the committee’s decision to suspend them.

He has called for a special conference, appealing to party constituencies to push for it, citing the ongoing internal fight that includes the leadership’s decision to withdraw the BAP from the coalition government.

Maqelepo also said the central executive committee is illegally in a campaign to dissolve committees in the constituencies and replace them with stooges.

He reminded the members that there is a court case pending in the High Court seeking an interdiction to charge them in the party’s structures without approval of the special conference that he is calling.

He said the party leadership should have awaited the outcome of the case before proceeding with any disciplinary action.

“The party that is led by a professor of law continues to do dismissals despite the issue being taken to the courts,” Maqelepo said.

The party leader, Professor Nqosa Mahao, is a distinguished professor of law.

Maqelepo said they would write the central executive committee rejecting its decision to suspend them, saying they will continue taking part in party activities.

He said their fate in the party is in the hands of the special conference.

He appealed to all the party constituencies to continue writing letters demanding the special conference.

Both Maqelepo and Kibane received letters on November 28 last year inviting them to show cause why they should not be suspended pending their hearing.

They both responded on the following day refusing to attend.

Maqelepo, Kibane, Hilda Van Rooyen, and ’Mamoipone Senauoane are accused of supporting a move to remove Professor Mahao from his ministerial position last year.

They were part of the BAP members who asked Prime Minister Sam Matekane to fire Professor Mahao, who at the same time was pushing for the reshuffling of Tankiso Phapano, the principal secretary for the Ministry of Energy.

When Matekane ignored Professor Mahao’s demands, the latter withdrew the BAP from the coalition government much to the fierce resistance of the party’s four MPs.

Maqelepo started touting members from constituencies to call for a special conference to reverse Professor Mahao and the central executive committee’s decision.

The central executive committee issued a circular stopping Maqelepo’s rallies but he continued, with the support of the other MPs.

In the BAP caucus of six MPs, it is only Professor Mahao and ’Manyaneso Taole who are supporting the withdrawal from the government.

Nkheli Liphoto