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Lesotho’s M855 million mess

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MASERU – FORMER Minister Temeki Tšolo played a central role in negotiating and signing the M1.6 billion solar deal that has soured and could see Lesotho losing its international assets after violating the contract.
There are fresh details on how Tšolo committed the government to a staggering contract – without cabinet approval or following procedure – and then repeatedly ignored clear legal warnings that his decision was leading Lesotho into a monumental disaster.

Now Lesotho has lost an arbitration and three cases as Frazer Solar, the German company, goes after its international assets.
The German company is claiming M855 million from Lesotho and has been winning court cases across the world.

Last week the company applied to a United States court, seeking an order to enforce its right to confiscate Lesotho’s assets in that country.
In South Africa, Frazer Solar has been granted an order to take the royalties Lesotho receives for water exports under the Lesotho Highlands Water Project. Also, the debt that Eskom owes to Lesotho has been garnished to pay Frazer Solar.

In Mauritius, the company has been granted permission to take control of Lesotho’s five percent stake in the West Indian Ocean Cable Company (WIOCC), a broadband company based in that country. Lesotho’s shares in WIOCC, which supplies broadband to Lesotho and other regional countries, are owned through the Lesotho Communications Authority.
There is also another order allowing Frazer Solar to seize Lesotho’s assets in the United Kingdom.

Those assets include the ambassador’s official residence.
But while the hunt for more assets continues and the government claims to be investigating what happened, Tšolo, whose signature is alleged to be on the contract, is pleading ignorance.
He tells thepost he never signed the contract and claims his signature could have been forged.

“What is happening here is fraud. It’s a lie,” Tšolo says.
He describes Robert Frazer, the director and shareholder of Frazer Solar, as a “conman out to fleece Lesotho”.
“It is true that I had several meetings with the man (Robert) but I never signed anything with him. Never!” he says.
“I only facilitated negotiations and meetings but there was never anything signed. I swear I never signed that contract or any other document.”
Robert Frazer’s media team refused to comment on those allegations.

Tšolo’s emphatic denials have added to the mystery and confusion surrounding the debacle.
A brief statement last week revealed that the government too was miffed by Frazer Solar’s claim and the turn of events.
But despite calling for calm, the statement has done little to allay fears that the government did sleep on the job and that Lesotho’s international assets are safe. Instead, the public is outraged and counter-accusations are being traded within a government that appears to have been caught unawares and is scouring for explanations while national assets after being plucked one by one.

Until the government has a handle on the issues surrounding the contract and Tšolo proves that he is not culpable, the answers can only be found in the arbitrator’s report and Frazer Solar’s court documents.
These tell a story of a minister who willingly signed a contract with an international company and a government that reneged on its obligations.

They paint a picture of a minister and civil servants who then ignored warning letters, court notices and failed to defend the country’s interests.
So, how did we end up here?
The genesis, according to the documents, appears to be the Lesotho Energy Policy 2015-2025 which sought to reduce the country’s power import bill, increase the use of renewable energy and promote universal access to electricity.

Robert Frazer, who worked for Rheem, an Australian-based solar company, got his hands on that policy and it fitted squarely with a strategy he had earlier pitched to his bosses. Together with senior managers at Rheem, Frazer developed what was called the Solarhart Business Strategy whose main thrust was to market Rheem’s large-scale renewable energy directly to African countries. The projects were to be funded by the Australian government’s Export Finance and Insurance Corporation (EFIC).

Frazer started marketing Rheem’s products in Southern Africa, beginning with meetings with government officials in South Africa and Lesotho. He claims to have come to Lesotho at the invitation of one Seqhebolla Letsie.
Frazer arrived in Lesotho in January 2016 and started peddling the Solarhart project to several government departments and officials. But he had barely made much progress when Rheem relocated to Vietnam and closed Solarhart, meaning the project could no longer be funded by the Australian government.

Frazer however plodded on with the idea and roped in KBB Kollektobau, a German solar energy company that bought shares in his Frazer Solar. To fill that void left by the EFIC, Frazer struck a deal with German’s KfW IPEX-Bank which agreed to fund African countries that bought KBB’s products.
The Arbitrator Vincent Maleka’s report says in August 2017 Frazer met Tšolo who allegedly assured him that the then Prime Minister Thomas Thabane and the government were interested in the project.

Meetings and letters between Frazer and government officials followed.
This is where Tšolo allegedly became a central figure in the deal that got Lesotho on the hook for M855 million.
In October of the same year, Tšolo invited KfW to submit a proposal to fund the €100 million (M1.6 billion at that time) project with Frazer Solar.

According to procurement regulations, Tsolo did not have the authority to solicit funding from any local or international financial companies. That was the responsibility of the Finance Minister who was Dr Moeketsi Majoro at that time.

The Ministry of Energy, which should have initiated and implemented the project, was not involved.
Yet despite this obvious deviation from the procedures, Tšolo also went on to sign a Memorandum of Understanding with Frazer Solar in November 2017.

This too was an anomaly because the project was not under his ministry and ministers are not allowed to sign MOUs on the government’s behalf without cabinet approval.
The Attorney General’s office, which is supposed to scrutinise such legal documents, also did not see the MOU. It is not clear who Tšolo had consulted before signing.

But those internal procedures did not matter to Frazer Solar and KfW, who quickly moved to turn that non-binding MOU into a concrete agreement. After all, the MOU stated that Frazer Solar and Tšolo were going to get the government’s approval for the project in March 2018 following a final proposal Frazer was to submit three months earlier (January 2018).
Based on the MOU and Tšolo’s invitation in October, KfW wrote to Majoro in December 2017 expressing interest to fund the project. And as if to seal the deal, Frazer organised a workshop where he sold the project to several government officials.

By March 2018, KfW was piling pressure on Majoro to approve their funding proposal.
But when Majoro supposedly ignored their letters, the company turned back to Tšolo with a letter reiterating its intention to fund the project.
Despite lacking the authority to discuss such matters, Tšolo obliged and requested KfW to provide a breakdown of the interest rates, duration of the loan and guarantees. KfW responded with another letter, giving the details as Tšolo requested.

Tšolo continued on this unprocedural path in August 2018 when he told Frazer, in a letter, that the government had agreed to proceed with the project. He is alleged to have told Frazer to prepare the loan and export contracts for signing. He also said the project will be included in the budget but the government would not sign the contract until it had received the financial offer from KfW through the Development Bank of Southern Africa (DBSA).

The letter however had a curious caveat which could indicate he wanted to keep the deal in the Prime Minister’s Office. The Arbitrator’s report says Tšolo’s letter “expressly” indicated that the Prime Minister’s Office will be the primary point of contact to ensure “effective and efficient communication between the parties”.

This too was incorrect because only the Ministry of Finance has the authority to discuss the government’s financial contracts. Seven days after that letter Frazer met Tšolo and Thabane to discuss the project. It was soon after that meeting that Frazer handed the draft agreement to Tšolo who allegedly suggested minor changes and signed it on September 24, 2018.

“According to Frazer, Minister Tšolo informed him that the financial agreement with the financiers would be signed by the Government of Lesotho through the Ministry of Finance,” says the arbitrator’s report.
A few things are worth pointing out here. The first is that Tšolo was committing the government and the country, by extension, to a M1.6 billion contract that would be financed through a 10-year loan facility.

This was at a time when the government was pleading poverty and Majoro had warned of the ballooning debt.
Second, this was a deal borne out of an unsolicited proposal that had not been scrutinised by the Ministry of Energy.
Third, Tšolo did not have the authority to sign the contract or discuss the financing agreement. He did not have the cabinet’s approval and the Ministry of Energy was not informed about the deal. Even if the Ministry of Energy had been informed, it was not Tšolo’s role to sign the contract.

The correct procedure would have been for Frazer to approach the Ministry of Energy which would then conduct a feasibility study, a needs analysis and the financing model. The ministry would then submit its analysis to the Ministry of Development Planning for further scrutiny by the Public Sector Investment Appraisal Committee.

The next stage is for the two ministries to involve the Ministry of Finance before submitting the project to the Cabinet for approval. The cabinet would then approve the project and instruct the Ministry of Finance to start the negotiations on both the contract and the financial agreement.
Several sources told thepost that all this did not happen. The Arbitrator’s report also doesn’t indicate that this procedure was followed.

Tšolo himself narrates this procedure to prove that there was no way he could have signed the agreement without following it.
“I know the procedure, that is why I am saying I never signed any contract with that man and his company,” he says.
“Anyone who claims to the contrary should show me where I signed the contract. I want to see my signature.”
It is because of the lack of procedure that Majoro rejected KfW’s updated financial offer.

Three weeks after the contract was signed Frazer asked Majoro why the financial agreement was delayed. Majoro’s answer was to repeat the correct process that should have been followed. He told Frazer that the contract should have been led by the Ministry of Energy and approved by the cabinet.

Without Majoro’s signature on the financial agreement, the deal was now hanging by a thread.
The arbitrator’s report says Tšolo and Thabane did not understand why Majoro was refusing to sign off the deal because the government supported the project.

During the hearing, Frazer told the arbitrator he suspected Majoro stalled his project because he supported a similar project by China’s Exim Bank for M1.4 billion.
In November 2019 Harvest FM ran a programme where the project’s delay was discussed.

That programme would lead Frazer to leave the country in a huff after he allegedly received death threats and had been informed by colleagues that it was no longer safe for him to remain in the country.
The arbitrator says while Tšolo and Thabane wanted the project to proceed, Majoro “obstructed its implementation by refusing to conclude the relevant Finance Agreement despite the offer of financing communicated to him by KfW”.

In March 2019 Frazer Solar’s lawyers sent a letter of demand to Tšolo and the Prime Minister’s office, citing several breaches to the contract. The office acknowledged receiving the letter but did not respond.
The deal had unravelled and legal proceedings were about to start.

Staff Reporter

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Labour unions in nasty fight

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TWO trade unions representing workers at Polihali Dam construction site have turned on each other.
Instead of fighting for better pay and conditions for members, the Construction, Mining, Quarrying and Allied Workers (CMQ) and the Lesotho Workers Association (LEWA) are locked in a nasty battle that could be linked to a fight over membership.

CMQ alleges that LEWA officials intimidated its members who wanted to vote for a proposed strike against companies working at Polihali Dam.

CMQ also accuses LEWA’s secretary general, Hlalefang Seoaholimo, of conflict of interest which it says renders him unable to effectively represent workers in their battles against employers in Polihali.

CMQ says Seoaholimo is working as a union leader and an employer at the same time. This, CMQ says, is because Seoaholimo’s company, Domino Blasting (Pty) Ltd, has been subcontracted by some companies working at Polihali Dam.

The allegations of intimidation and conflict of interest are part of the letter that CMQ’s secretary general, Robert Mokhahlane, has written to the Registrar of Trade Unions.

In that letter, seen by thepost, Mokhahlane pleads with the Registrar of Trade Unions to deregister LEWA over the alleged intimidation and Seoaholimo’s conflict of interest.

Mokhahlane tells the registrar that because of Seoaholimo’s shareholding in Domino Blasting, LEWA has “characteristics of a company, not a trade union”.

“At Polihali Dam construction, there (were) workers who were employed by Domino Blasting Services at various projects,” Mokhahlane alleges.

“They (Domino Blasting) have a long list of projects that have references and include some companies involved in the construction of Polihali Dam.”

Seoaholimo is one of Domino Blasting’s four directors and holds 300 of the 1000 shares in the company.

Mokhahlane tells the registrar that Seoaholimo cannot claim to be independently fighting for workers’ rights when his company is working with the same companies accused of unfair labour practices in Polihali.

He also accuses Domino Blasting’s human resource officer, Mpho Kanono, of being conflicted because she is also an official of the United Textile Employees (UNITE).

“Both the two officials (Seoaholimo and Kanono) are workers’ representatives within the Wages Advisory Board whereby Hlalefang Seoaholimo is the spokesperson of the workers,” Mokhahlane says.

Mokhahlane also accuses Seoaholimo of “intimidating workers who will be balloting for a strike action by encouraging LEWA members to observe and identify workers” who would participate.

He claims that Seoaholimo mocked a CMQ official who was mobilising workers for the strike at the construction site.

The Labour Code, which the registrar has been asked to invoke, says a union or employers’ organisation may be cancelled by the Labour Court on the registrar’s application.

Seoaholimo has however vehemently refuted allegations that his company is working at Polihali Dam. He told thepost that CMQ is in a campaign to tarnish his name and that of LEWA because “they are aware that workers do not want to join their union”.

He admits that he is a shareholder in Domino Blasting but insists that “as we speak now Domino Blasting does not have a job anywhere in Lesotho”.

“CMQ has to provide evidence that a company called Domino Blasting (Pty) Ltd is working and has any employees in Polihali,” Seoaholimo said.

“Domino Blasting does not even have an office anywhere in the country because it is not working anymore.”

“They should identify the people hired by Domino Blasting (Pty) Ltd among workers in Polihali.”

He said the company has not operated in Lesotho since 2016 when it completed a project. Seoaholimo, however, says he is aware of a South African company with a similar name working in Polihali.

“I as a person have nothing to do with that company,” Seoaholimo said.

He said it is true that Mpho Kanono used to work for Domino Blasting back in 2016 when it still had contracts but she has since left because “the company stopped working”.

“Mpho Kanono is an official of UNITE and has nothing to do with Domino Blasting at present moment.”

Staff Reporter

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Mahao bares all (Part I)

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It’s been nearly four months since the fallout between Energy Minister Professor Nqosa Mahao and principal secretary Tankiso Phapano started. The impasse remains unresolved as Prime Minister Sam Matekane has rejected Prof Mahao’s request to transfer Phapano. He had also turned down a similar request from the Basotho Action Party (BAP). This has led to speculation that the prime minister could be turning a blind eye to the chaos at the ministry because he wants to allocate it to his Revolution for Property (RFP). There are also murmurs that the friction between Prof Mahao and Phapano could be a reflection of the factionalism in the BAP. thepost talked to Prof Mahao about these and other issues in a wide-ranging interview last week. Below are excerpts of the first part of the interview.

Let’s talk about your time in government. How has it been so far?
I think it is in the public domain. When I first came for the first two months things went very well. Since January problems began to show up, particularly because of the issue of the principal secretary (Phapano) that everybody knows about. The relations haven’t been sorted out in terms of working relations. But you do know that there is a government manual that says what the role of the minister is and what that of a principal secretary is. What has become a perennial problem is that the PS doesn’t seem to want to keep within his lane. He almost thinks he is a minister. But otherwise it has been reasonably well.

What is the cause of your fight with Phapano?
I will tell you it came as a total surprise because Phapano was brought in by myself literally managing every avenue of the process of appointment. The standoff started the first day we met, which was on the 3rd of January, when I had called him to deliberate on a certain document and he didn’t seem to appreciate it and I understood because he had just joined the previous day. So I called in someone who was knowledgeable to advise us both. After taking advice from that person I then instructed that they go and draft a memorandum. And that is where he burst out. So it started there and ever since then things have not reverted to normalcy.

What document was it?
We have had a problem with performance in terms of LEC projects that are financed by the World Bank. The World Bank had issued two memos where it was raising concerns. Monies have been there with us for more than three years and very little of them have been spent. And so the World Bank raised concerns in November and in December. And the question was how we ensure that there is delivery because when money is not used it might just go back. We sort to have a handle on that process. And this lady who is a coordinator of the World Bank projects advised that we could do something which was done by the ministry in its former incarnation with WASCO. Which was a memorandum which would be a framework in terms of how we manage the performance between us and the LEC. In that case, it was the ministry and WASCO. And then the PS said, no, it’s not going to happen.

So it had nothing to do with what people have been talking about, the power project?
Absolutely nonsense. There was nothing of the sort. What happens is this. There are World Bank funds under a programme called LREAP. Those funds were intended to finance industrial zones, Belo, Tikoe and rural electrification. But for more than three years there had been very little progress. This is why I’m saying that in November the World Bank had raised concern. Again in their December memo they raised concern. We were also quite concerned as a ministry because you expect progress, especially when there are resources.

You say Phapano was very angry. Did he eventually tell you why he was angry with a mere MOU?
He said I haven’t advised you to draw up an MOU. What I had done was to say, PS, this lady and the director of legal, develop that MOU and then we discuss it. That’s when he burst out.

But is work being done?
Yes work is being done but it is not at the pace that I was working before he came in and at the pace I would have preferred.

Are you saying he is slowing down work?
He is certainly slowing down work. Let me give you a few instances and I don’t want to belabour a lot on these issues. For example, I requested him to organise a press conference where I was going to announce our programme of action for 2024 and he said, no, that is not advisable. Eventually, of course, I pressed on and we did have the press conference. But he had initially decided he was not going to be part of that press conference until the director of energy called him and said, you can’t have a minister having a press conference and the PS is not there. The other one I had asked him to arrange for a meeting with the staff of the ministry. That was in January and up to date he has not arranged that meeting. On one occasion I had asked him to arrange my meeting with the LEC staff and he didn’t. I had to write to LEC to arrange for the meeting, which actually ought to have been done by the PS. And there have been several other such instances where he just believes that I shouldn’t have to give him instructions.

The transformation is huge. He was almost like a son to you.
Literally my son. He would visit virtually every day at my house. When he gets to the house he wouldn’t ask to be provided with tea, he would just go into the kitchen and make tea and that’s how we took him with my wife. Indeed on the day he got a letter of appointment my wife and Mrs Bosiu actually took him out for lunch to congratulate him.

Do you regret it?
No. I was doing what was right. I don’t regret. I think whatever happened with him, he knows why. I don’t. But it does look like he is somebody who was saying, well, let him facilitate the appointment and as soon as I get that letter, I’ll show him exactly who I am.

You then realise that you and the PS are not working well and the relationship has soured. What did you do to remedy the situation?
First of all, on that first day (3rd of January). Look, this is a comrade. This is one of my own. I called the National Chairperson, Mr Kibane, and said, I talk to Phapano, I don’t understand what is happening. The National Chairperson was out in Leribe at his home and he told me he was working on the arrangements for a relative’s funeral and so he was not going to be immediately available. I then called the deputy leader (Maqelepo) who came that evening and I asked him to handle that matter. There were a number of interventions by comrades like Dr Matlosa and Mrs.Bosiu Mrs Marite had a session with him. And when all of those did not seem to guide him in the direction we wished I then convined a meeting of the top six of the party and I asked them to handle that matter. That did not work either. I then went to the Prime Minister almost a month and a couple of weeks later. I gave him the full details of the challenges that we were experiencing. And all he said was “look, Phapano is your son, try to work with him”.

Did you go back to him again?
No. The last intervention was from the party. The Central Executive Committee wrote to the Prime Minister to say in order to resolve that impasse we request that you move Phapano to the Ministry of Tourism. Minister Maqelepo was more than ready to receive him and of course the Prime Minister turned down the request.

Did he give reasons?
Well, he did. I’m not so sure what exactly the response particularly said with respect to the issue of resolving the issue. He simply turned it down. He probably gave reasons but I can’t recall what they were but they were not addressing the issue of the impasse as far as I am concerned.

So now you are stuck with a PS who you can’t work with. How are you going to solve it?
As they say Sesotho they say li tlohele li hole ‘moho, which is to say let’s see what fate would take on the matter.
But you can’t leave the management of a ministry to fate.

So what do you want me to do? If you were in my position, with all the efforts that I have done, what can I possibly do?
Have you run out of options?
Not exactly.

You might as well leave the government if you don’t get what you want.
Well, that’s your opinion. I’m out there to do service to the nation.

You are out there to do service to the nation but there is a problem in the ministry that could either slow down or stop some of the services that you want to give to the people. How then do you proceed in such circumstances?
Well, I’ve already told you that it is not particularly easy but in spite of that work is being done.

What is the position of the party?
I already told you that the party wrote a letter to the Prime Minister and that is how far the party has gone.

Is it not going to push any further?
Not as yet. We don’t allow this matter to appear to overwhelm us. It really doesn’t overwhelm us. As I say, life goes on within the party, within the ministry, in spite of all those. You have to, at some point, accept that there are challenges here and there in life.

What are the implications of this friction between you and the PS in the political party? Does Phapano have a group of people within the party backing him?
In fact that leads me to some issues that I want to criticize you about as a newspaper. You are not reporting accurately. In one of your publications you said the BAP is imploding. There were no facts to that effect. What happened is that there was a petition of a vote of no confidence by the youth against their representative in the executive. When the petition was read and deliberated in the committee he wrote a letter of resignation from the committee.

That is not an implosion. He did not say he was leaving the party. Another thing that you misreported was when the National chairperson, Mr Kibane, wrote a letter resigning from the committee and not from the party. At that time a number of constituencies had written to the central executive committee demanding an explanation why some members of the executive committee had gone to the MGC offices where they were made to commit to the removal of the minister (Mahao) from the ministry.

The chairperson, Mr Kibane, was part of those who went. Afraid because these people were calling for a special conference to come and deal with this problem, Mr Kibane wrote to say he was withdrawing from the executive. He didn’t say he was withdrawing from the party.

And then you wrote that there is an implosion. What a serious misrepresentation that was. Elsewhere you wrote that because of Mahao’s character, I’m paraphrasing, Thotanyana and his group resigned from the party. Far from the truth. Thotanyana and his group were actually expelled from the party by a special conference and that was public. Remember they even went to court trying to stop the conference and we won the case. The conference took place and decided to remove them from the party. That is not resigning from the party.

It is being expelled. Basically your newspaper has been systematically misrepresenting facts because you have abandoned the cardinal rule of journalism which is to hear both sides before you can actually put pen to paper.

So the point I’m trying to make is that Phapano seems to have some people that he has control over and there can be a number of speculations in terms of what his handle on them is within the party. They include those people who went to MGC offices without the mandate of the party. The BAP constitution says there cannot be a meeting of the working committee or central executive committee if there is no quorum and if the leader or the deputy leader is not present.

And these people who were marshalled to MGC offices and arm-twisted to make this kind of commitment had no mandate from the party, nor was the leader or the deputy leader even aware of such a meeting.

How many of these people? And from which committee?
The working committee. What happened was that there was a workshop that was intended to train our councillors and they happened to be attending that conference when they got called to MGC. But our suspicion is that this was prearranged. And there were about eight or so.

And they committed to your removal?
Well, they were made to say that one way of resolving the issue between the minister and the PS is for the minister to be removed from the ministry.

Wasn’t the secretary general of the party part of that meeting?
He was.

Doesn’t that show that there are issues within the political party?
Nonsense!

How so?
When people are hurled into a meeting not even knowing what the agenda is. They didn’t know what the agenda was. We suspect some were part of the agenda but it was not disclosed to the rest. That is why I have subsequently received letters from some of the members who were there who said “we were really caught unawares, we didn’t know what the issue was and we found ourselves engaged in a meeting whose agenda we did not even know”. They have written their apologies to the party. Yesterday we had a meeting in Mafeteng and some of those people apologised before the membership of the BAP that they found themselves in that sort of situation.

Your secretary general has been in the newspaper clearly stating that he believes the RFP, your partner in government, wants to wrestle the energy ministry from the BAP. Do you share that view?
I don’t want to go into speculation. At this point and time there hasn’t been any representation to that effect on the part of the RFP. But look, this is politics. It might well be that is a fact but I don’t know because I deal on the basis of communication remitted to me or to the party formally.

I’m saying he (your SG) was putting it on record that this is what he believes is the situation.
It may be on the basis of the evidence that he does have.

It’s based on the evidence that he has to indicate that there could be something happening. But do you believe that is so?

Let’s deal with facts not issues of belief.

He says he believes that the RFP believes that it overcompensated you for your support in the coalition government. Having now become comfortable after such a desperate time, they now believe that they could claw back some of that power or some of what they gave you. Do you believe there is that sudden change of heart or a change in the price?
Let’s start from here. I was the one who was interacting with the leader of the RFP during the negotiations. He had said he is allocating us two ministries but we just could not accept one of them.

Which one was that?
I shouldn’t mention. We said we would be interested in either a ministry of energy or local government. He said I will revert to you. When he did revert, he had assigned us as the Ministry of Energy. So that was per negotiations. As far as I’m concerned that should remain as is until further notice, either on his part or on our part.
Phapano’s belligerence doesn’t seem to be informed by the party but by some handlers outside the BAP.
There are indications of that.

What indications? What do you see?
That Phapano draws authority from elsewhere other than from the powers and functions confined on him by public service rules and particularly the duties and responsibilities of principal secretaries. That he does not draw his authority from the backing of the party.

Where is he drawing it from?
Your guess is as good as mine.

From where?
Well, guess where.

No Professor you are hiding behind the cliché. Who is Phapano’s master? If you don’t want to say who the Phapano Master is, who do you suspect is his puppet master?
I’m saying you do your guesswork.

Why should I? I’m the one asking you.

Well, why should I speculate on something that I don’t have tangible evidence about? Look, you must understand, my training, I’m a lawyer. We deal on the basis of evidence, not on the basis of speculations. I can speculate, but I don’t want to do that. I deal with evidence.
But you are not a lawyer right now, you are a politician.
Who says so?

But that’s what you are, a BAP leader in a BAP office, and we are talking about political issues here. I haven’t asked you about constitutional law. Where do you think Phapano gets his authority?
Isn’t it better if you ask Phapano where he gets his authority from?

Good but he is also a problem to you. Is he doing someone’s bidding? Not from the other party, but from somewhere, as you say, “indication”.
It could well be.

Is it because of the politics or the business side of the ministry?
It could be both.

Precisely because you can’t be controlled?
Well, let me tell you this. My party has three guiding principles. Clean government and the rule of law. Clean government because that is a major challenge in this country. Our whole DNA is to ensure that wherever we are we must safeguard clean governance and we must ensure that everything is according to the law. But you do know that if there is anything that our country defaults on, it’s precisely on those two issues. And it is possible that there are forces out there that may be very uncomfortable with that DNA. But it is the DNA of the BAP and it is the DNA that I must safeguard where I am.

Do you feel that apart from Phapano probably having a puppet master, have you felt any pressure to do any particular bidding for someone?
No. It’s not that people have difficulty approaching me. So anybody who comes with a silly agenda would have to think twice. It’s my personality. Nobody has any doubts about my ethics. And to think of approaching me to do anything that is untoward would be extremely difficult and I think many people would have a problem with me for that.

People have difficulty with approaching you to do certain things. You on the other hand don’t have any difficulty with being frank about certain situations and being incisive in your analysis of what is the issue. On Phapano, what is the fundamental issue here in your analysis?
The BAP will be three years this month. The DNA that we have been trying to embed in the organisation, in our members, is on the basis of those three principles, the two of which I have mentioned to you. But it is quite obvious that not all of the members fully subscribe to those principles and when opportunity avails itself then, of course, they show their true character and that’s all I can say.

You have asked for a PS to be removed or transferred so that you could do your work because the relationship has soured. Your party has asked for the same and met with a similar reaction. At what point do you say that this is intolerable as a political party, and therefore you are leaving?
That will not be my sole decision and call to make. When we do believe that the matter is so weighty as to warrant making a decision, as the party leadership we will sit, mull over the issue and take a decision. That moment has yet to arrive.

But given a DNA there are certain things you could say these are the ones I would not tolerate. The three principles that you are talking about.
So far, from where I am sitting, there hasn’t been a case of malfeasance that has happened and I failed to have it resolved. So yes, those principles have not been breached yet.

-Editor’s Note: The second part will be published next week. The interview has been edited for clarity and might slightly differ from the digital version. The substance has however been preserved.

Staff Reporter

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Police hunt former minister

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THE police have launched a hunt for former police minister, Lepota Sekola, who is suspected of involvement in stock theft.
Police want to arrest Sekola in connection with two cattle carcasses that were found at his grandfather’s funeral in Borokhoaneng three weeks ago.

During the initial interview, Sekola had insisted that the cows belonged to his late grandfather who had kept them in South Africa for better pastures.

The police didn’t arrest him at that time because investigations were still in the early stages. Further investigations have however led the police to believe that the animals were stolen from South Africa.

But when they were ready for the arrest, Sekola could not be found at his home or on his phone.

Police say Sekola will be charged with unlawful possession and illegal importation of two cows from South Africa.

The National Stock Theft Coordinator, Senior Superintendent Mapesela Klaass, told thepost last night that they “have completed investigations but he (Sekola) is nowhere to be seen”.

“We cannot get him on his mobile phones,” S/Supt Klaass said, adding that the police have been “visiting his home but he is not there”.

“His family members are aware that we are looking for him,” he said.

S/Supt Klaass said they are continuing with their search and as soon as they find him, they are going to drag him to the courts.

He said the police suspect the cows were brought from South Africa to be slaughtered for Sekola’s grandfather’s funeral.

Police sources told thepost that one of the cows had new branding while another had nothing. Both had holes on the ears that signalled that they used to have ear tags.

Majara Molupe

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