News
Metsing’s second coming
Published
5 years agoon
By
The Post
MASERU – IT would appear that in the court of public opinion, Mothejoa Metsing, 52, has been found guilty as charged.
Despite his vociferous protestations of innocence, Metsing has found it almost impossible to shake off the “guilty tag”.
He has thus effectively found himself buried in an avalanche of propaganda.
To the ordinary Mosotho, there is a stubborn view that Metsing was the driving force behind some of the most appalling human rights violations perpetrated by the Lesotho army in recent times.
Metsing served as Deputy Prime Minister in a government led by former Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili between 2015 and 2017.
Metsing is said to have enjoyed a cozy relationship with the army which was then under former commander Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli.
Lt Gen Kamoli remains locked up at Maseru’s Maximum Security Prison two years after he was arrested for treason and murder, among other charges.
Metsing also served as Deputy Prime Minister in the first coalition government led by Prime Minister Thomas Thabane between 2012 and 2015.
That government spectacularly collapsed due to a vicious power struggle between Metsing and Thabane.
Again, the collapse of the government was seen as Metsing’s fault.
The general thinking then was that here was a deputy premier who was refusing to play second fiddle to Thabane by demanding to be “consulted” on every major government decision.
When that first coalition government went up in smoke, it was no surprise that Metsing was the one who was left with the unenviable task of batting criticism that he was to blame for its collapse.
It was a propaganda war that Metsing lost dismally.
Metsing has been hated and feared in equal measure; hated for his role in the collapse of the first Thabane-led coalition government and feared over his supposed connections with the military.
And it would appear Metsing is painfully aware of this negativity and hatred towards him.
“I would be dead by now were it for the wishes of some of you people,” he says with a chuckle.
He says right from the start of the initiatives to work with Thabane’s All Basotho Convention (ABC) party in 2012, there was a clear agenda to “scandalise” him as he was not good at defending himself.
“And we were unable to deal with that,” he says.
The result, Metsing says, was a ruthless propaganda war to “de-campaign” him and his Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) party.
While he expected clear rules of engagement with his coalition partners, Metsing says he soon realised there were none.
The result was a brutal, bare-knuckle fight with lots of mudslinging between himself and Thabane.
“There was a clear, calculated plan not to be bound by any rules of engagement.”
As the Thabane-led government stumbled towards the inevitable collapse, it was ultimately Metsing who was blamed for its collapse. He was seen as stubborn, uncooperative and ambitious.
On the night of August 30, 2014, Thabane was sent scurrying into exile after Lt Gen Kamoli stormed the State House and the police headquarters in an operation the premier said was an attempted coup.
Metsing swears he never at any time pulled the strings behind the scenes within the army.
“I was not the Prime Minister in 2014 and the Minister of Defence was the Prime Minister himself. How would I control the army when I was just a mere minister?”
He admits though that he enjoyed a special relationship with all “those who had been unfairly dismissed” by Thabane.
“Everybody who thought he was a victim (of Thabane’s dismissals) would come to me. They knew the only person who was not afraid to speak on their behalf was Metsing.”
Metsing says while some horrendous crimes were committed when he was in government, he is sorry in so far as the crimes were committed by an administration to which he was part.
“I want to take collective responsibility for atrocities committed by the government unless where I am personally responsible.”
“The individuals were not sent by me,” he says.
Metsing says the killing of Lt Gen Maaparankoe Mahao, tragic as it was, had nothing to do with him.
“There was no decision (in Cabinet) to kill Mahao. We were all taken by surprise after he was killed. That is why we did the right thing to set up a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the circumstances of the killing,” he says.
“We regret that he died, which was unfortunate.”
Metsing also denies that his government knew anything about the killing of Constable Mokalekale Khetheng whose decomposed body was found buried in an unmarked grave in Maseru.
“We were part of the security committee and were baffled by his killing. We never knew that Khetheng had been killed.”
“How would Khetheng’s killing advance my political career? How would that help me? He was just a junior officer, unfortunate as his death was,” Metsing says.
He argues there have been a lot of untruths peddled by political parties about him and to cure the toxicity within our politics, Lesotho must set up an independent Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).
We need to rid this country of so many untruths, Metsing says.
“I want to be given an opportunity to openly state my case. We are not going to heal this country and stop the polarisation until we get to the truth of what exactly happened,” he says.
He says the story SADC has been told was that Metsing was the “bad guy”; remove Metsing and everything will be fine.
He says that was a dummy.
He argues that most countries that emerge from decades of conflict often push for a TRC.
“They want to know the extent of the abuses and see how they can address these. But when our leaders came from exile in 1992, they inherited a heavily politicised civil service. Ministers were even kidnapped and the deputy Prime Minister Selometsi Baholo was killed by the army.
“In South Africa they came up with an interim Constitution that enjoyed the trust of all sectors of society. We too needed to have gone that route.”
Metsing says there are individuals in Lesotho who are bent on “using the courts to settle political scores” but the “truth can save this country”.
“If we know the truth we shall be able to deal with most of our problems.”
He argues Lesotho should have set up a Commission of Inquiry to investigate the circumstances that led to the killing of Lt Gen Khoantle Motšomotšo, Bulane Sechele and Tefo Hashatsi two years ago saying their deaths were highly suspicious.
“The killing of a sitting army commander was a serious matter and a commission of enquiry should have been set up to investigate the matter.”
Metsing argues Lesotho’s problems are a direct result of a failure of leadership across all sectors of society – within the church, the media, academia and politics.
To fix Lesotho’s problems, Metsing says he remains convinced about the need for a Government of National Unity (GNU).
He says a GNU will command support from all sections of society. “It will need a clear agenda, one of which is national unity,” he says.
Metsing argues the situation in Lesotho has reached “emergency” levels that no single political party will be able to handle. If that is not done we risk violent protests by our youths, he says.
He says the GNU would also look into past human rights violations and determine who needs to be compensated as well as the issue of reparations.
“Those that should have ordinarily been jailed, but have told it all, should be indemnified.”
The proposal will likely find few takers in a country that seems determined to push to the limits the principle of an eye-for-an-eye.
Metsing’s LCD won a paltry 12 seats in the last election in 2017, a massive drop from its heyday when it ruled the roost as the dominant political player in Lesotho two decades ago. A damaging split with the Democratic Congress (DC) in 2012, which Metsing says was regrettable, left the party seriously weakened.
But Metsing believes the party will do well if new elections are called anytime soon. He says a number of political parties, which he did not name, “were campaigning on the basis of lies” and have since been exposed. “The reality is sinking among the electorate and most of the things they were promised have proved to be untrue. They campaigned on a platform of hatred. We have a better vision for the country which resonates with what the people want.”
Abel Chapatarongo & Mamakhooa Rapolaki
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MASERU
KNORX Molelle’s appointment as the Director General of the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Offences (DCEO) in February 2023 could have been illegal.
The Law Society of Lesotho has told Prime Minister Sam Matekane that Molelle was appointed without being admitted as a legal practitioner in Lesotho, as required by law.
The society claims the information came from a whistleblower on January 2 and was corroborated by its roll of legal practitioners in Lesotho.
The society says the appointment violates section 4 of the Prevention of Corruption and Economic Offences Act 1999 which states that a person shall not be appointed as the DCEO director general unless they have been admitted as a legal practitioner in terms of the Legal Practitioners Act.
In the letter, Advocate Ithabeleng Phamotse, the society’s secretary, tells Matekane that this requirement “is not a mere procedural formality but a substantive qualification essential to the lawful appointment of the Director General”.
“The absence of such qualification fatally impairs the appointment ab initio, rendering it null and void from the outset,” Advocate Phamotse says in the letter written on Tuesday.
The society argues that if left unaddressed the illegality undermines the credibility, effectiveness and legality of the DCEO’s operations and exposes the kingdom to serious risks, including challenges to the lawfulness of decisions and actions made by Molelle.
“Should it be confirmed that the appointment was made in contravention of the mandatory legal requirements,” Advocate Phamotse said, “we respectfully urge you to take immediate corrective action to rectify this glaring irregularity”.
Advocate Phamotse tells the prime minister that if the appointment is not corrected, the society would be “left with no alternative but to institute legal proceedings to protect the interests of justice and uphold the rule of law in Lesotho”.
“We trust that you will accord this matter your highest priority and act decisively to avert further damage to the integrity of our governance structures.”
The Prime Minister’s spokesman, Thapelo Mabote, said they received the letter but Matekane had not yet read it yesterday.
Matekane is on leave and is expected back in the office on January 14.
Questions over the validity of his appointment come as Molelle is being haunted by the damaging audio clips that were leaked last week.
The clips were clandestinely recorded by Basotho National Party leader, Machesetsa Mofomobe.
In some of the clips, Molelle appears to be describing Matekane and his deputy Justice Nthomeng Majara as idiots. He also appears to be calling Law Minister Richard Ramoeletsi a devil.
In other clips, he seems to be discussing cases. thepost has not independently verified the authenticity of the audio clips.
Staff Reporter
MASERU
THE government has increased the salaries for traditional leaders by a massive 88.5 percent.
This means that a village chief not appointed by a gazette will now earn M3 001 a month, up from the previous salary of M1 592. That means village chiefs will now earn an extra M1 409 per month.
A village chief, or headman, appointed by a gazette has moved from M1 966 to M3 567 per month.
Above a village chief is one with jurisdiction over a small cluster of villages, a category three chief, who now moves from M3 768 to M5 181 per month.
A category four chief, known as ward chief, has moved from M4 455 per month to M7 993.
The category five chief, who reports directly to a principal chief, will now earn M10 674, up from M9 939 per month.
There is no increment for principal chiefs.
The government says the budget for chiefs’ salaries has moved from M129.4 million to M208.3 million annually.
The hike follows a series of discussions between the Lesotho Workers Association, representing the chiefs, and the Ministry of Local Government and Chieftainship.
The revised salaries will be implemented with effect from April 1, 2025.
According to the settlement agreement, a discussion about raising the lowest salary of M6 000 for the lowest-ranking chiefs will be revisited in October 2025.
Chiefs who spoke to thepost have expressed satisfaction with the hike, saying it will significantly improve their lives.
Chief Mopeli Matsoso of Ha-Tikoe in Maseru said his previous salary of M1 500 per month would now be doubled, which would improve his life and help provide smoother services to the community.
He stressed that they used to close the offices while going out looking for jobs to compensate for their little salaries.
“Now the people will get smoother services,” Chief Matsoso said.
“The offices will forever be open,” he said.
Chief Matsoso said the salary hike will also serve as a motivation for other chiefs.
Chief Tumo Majara of Liboping, Mokhethoaneng, also expressed his gratitude.
Chief Majara acknowledge the positive impact the salary review would have, especially as a new officeholder.
“I guess we are all happy, that review will help a lot,” he said.
The Principal Chief of Thaba-Bosiu, Khoabane Theko, said the salary increase of chief is a welcome move by the government.
“I’m yet to study how the new salary structure looks like. But I welcome it as a good move by the government,”Chief Theko said.
Nkheli Liphoto
MASERU
Motlatsi Maqelepo, the embattled Basotho Action Party (BAP) deputy leader and Tello Kibane, who was the party chairman, have rejected their suspension from the party arguing it was legally flawed.
The BAP’s central executive committee on Tuesday suspended Maqelepo for seven years and Kibane for five years. The suspensions became effective on the same day.
The party’s disciplinary committee which met last Wednesday had recommended an expulsion for the two but that decision was rejected with the committee pushing for a lengthy suspension.
Maqelepo’s suspension will end on January 7, 2032 while Kibane’s will run until January 7, 2030.
Their suspension letters from the BAP deputy secretary general Victoria Qheku, say they should not participate in any of the party’s activities.
“In effect, you are relieved of your responsibility as a CEC member and BAP deputy leader,” Maqelepo was told in the letter.
“You were found guilty by default on all charges and the committee recommended your immediate dismissal from the party,” the letter reads.
On Kibane, the verdict states that the committee decided to mitigate the recommended sanction by reducing his suspension to five years.
“In the gravity of the charges, the suspension affects your membership in the BAP parliamentary caucus from which you are removed as a chairman.”
They were suspended in absentia after they refused to attend the disciplinary hearing, which they said was illegal.
In response to the suspension, Maqelepo wrote a letter addressing the BAP members in general, defying the committee’s decision to suspend them.
He has called for a special conference, appealing to party constituencies to push for it, citing the ongoing internal fight that includes the leadership’s decision to withdraw the BAP from the coalition government.
Maqelepo also said the central executive committee is illegally in a campaign to dissolve committees in the constituencies and replace them with stooges.
He reminded the members that there is a court case pending in the High Court seeking an interdiction to charge them in the party’s structures without approval of the special conference that he is calling.
He said the party leadership should have awaited the outcome of the case before proceeding with any disciplinary action.
“The party that is led by a professor of law continues to do dismissals despite the issue being taken to the courts,” Maqelepo said.
The party leader, Professor Nqosa Mahao, is a distinguished professor of law.
Maqelepo said they would write the central executive committee rejecting its decision to suspend them, saying they will continue taking part in party activities.
He said their fate in the party is in the hands of the special conference.
He appealed to all the party constituencies to continue writing letters demanding the special conference.
Both Maqelepo and Kibane received letters on November 28 last year inviting them to show cause why they should not be suspended pending their hearing.
They both responded on the following day refusing to attend.
Maqelepo, Kibane, Hilda Van Rooyen, and ’Mamoipone Senauoane are accused of supporting a move to remove Professor Mahao from his ministerial position last year.
They were part of the BAP members who asked Prime Minister Sam Matekane to fire Professor Mahao, who at the same time was pushing for the reshuffling of Tankiso Phapano, the principal secretary for the Ministry of Energy.
When Matekane ignored Professor Mahao’s demands, the latter withdrew the BAP from the coalition government much to the fierce resistance of the party’s four MPs.
Maqelepo started touting members from constituencies to call for a special conference to reverse Professor Mahao and the central executive committee’s decision.
The central executive committee issued a circular stopping Maqelepo’s rallies but he continued, with the support of the other MPs.
In the BAP caucus of six MPs, it is only Professor Mahao and ’Manyaneso Taole who are supporting the withdrawal from the government.
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