News
Rough ‘justice’ for Lipolelo
Published
2 years agoon
By
The Post
MASERU – THE victim was an estranged wife refusing divorce to block her husband from marrying his sweetheart, 40 years his junior. The husband was a powerful political mover and shaker only three days away from being inaugurated as Prime Minister. The sweetheart was a garrulous, mercurial and irrepressibly ambitious beauty who had sustained a decade-long relationship with the evidently smitten politician.
The victim was Lipolelo Thabane. Thomas Thabane was the husband and his sweetheart was ‘Maesaiah. Two years back, during Thabane’s first stint as Prime Minister, ‘Maesaiah had brazenly moved into the State House and enjoyed the handsome per diems that came with being the Prime Minister’s plus-one on international trips.
Now Thabane was about to be the Prime Minister again but the estranged Lipolelo was opposing divorce and insisting that she will be the First Lady. She had to die and she did in the cruelest of ways. As Lipolelo drove on a dirt road to her home on the outskirts of Maseru, with a friend, gunmen sprayed bullets on her car and disappeared into the night.
She died on the spot while her friend, Thato Sibolla, spent months battling for her life in hospital. With the estranged wife eliminated, Thabane took the oath of office as Prime Minister with ‘Maesaiah beaming from the tent packed with dignitaries.
She was hit plus one. They would marry at an opulent event a few days later to confirm a marriage that many already knew had existed for years despite the lack of rings and a wedding to publicly confirm it.
But even as the bride glided on the red carpet in a yellow gown, some in the terraces of the stadium mumbled about how she had to eliminate the prime minister’s wife to be in that dress and be the star of the event.
Some twisted their faces in disgust as she said “I do” and the Prime Minister clasped her face to plant a passionate kiss on her mascaraed lips.
To many, this was a marriage borne out of a murder. Their motive was to do what they were doing now: marrying. It, therefore, did not come as a surprise when, a few years later, ‘Maesaiah was arraigned for Lipolelo’s murder. That her husband, Thabane, was also in on the murder did not shock many. After all, this is what many had suspected.
The police would add details that would confirm what, until then, had been a rumour. ‘Maesaiah would skip the country, slither back, get charged, granted a dubious bail and locked up for a few days after the bail was overturned on appeal.
Then began the endless court appearances at which she would sometimes throw tantrums at journalists snapping her pictures. Thabane would initially avoid charges by arguing that being prime minister made him immune to prosecution. He would eventually leave office after pressure from his party, the government and regional peers.
Stripped of his immunity and the wife bereft of the power and influence that comes with being married to the Prime Minister, the two entered the court.
The stage had been set for what promised to be an epic trial that would grip the nation. It was supposed to be Lesotho’s trial of the decade, if not the 21st century. And so the country waited with bated breath. Soon, they thought, they would hear the lurid details of how the murder was hatched and executed.
For a brief moment, it looked like they were about to get ringside tickets to the murder trial already in international headlines. As per the police’s charge sheet and affidavits, they heard how Thababe and his wife promised M3 million to the hitmen hired to kill Lipolelo.
They were told that the couple also promised government jobs to some of the assassins. They heard stories about the couple’s connections to a famo music gang notorious for hits on rivals and being used as hitmen.
The police and the prosecution said they had nearly 50 witnesses ready to give incriminating evidence against the Thabanes. But those acquainted with Lesotho’s judiciary and how it is like a sieve with special holes for the connected and powerful remained sceptical. Their doubts were not without justification. They had seen how previous high-profile cases start with such high drama but fizzle when it mattered the most.
These cases ranged from abuse of office to murder. As the Thabanes prepared for another appearance that was set for July, two cases appeared to vindicate the doubting Thomases and confirm their mistrust of the courts.
First was the acquittal of Thabo Moramotse, the Local Government and Chieftainship Affairs Minister, Lehlohonolo Moramotse’s murder-accused son, accused of his sister-in-law’s murder. The judge ruled that the prosecution was relying on the confession that Moramotse claimed after being tortured by the police.
“In conclusion, it is, therefore, the view of this court that this confession stands to be held as inadmissible on the grounds of the mutual destructiveness of the defence and police versions,” Justice Semapo Peete said in his judgement.
Thabo Moramotse walked free. Then came the spectacular acquittal of businessman Tšeliso Nthane for the murder of his driver. Again, the prosecution was in the spotlight for its bungling by failing to conduct investigations and interview credible eyewitnesses.
Yet even the staunchest sceptics would not have predicted what happened on Tuesday this week. A day before the Thabanes appeared in court, some newspapers speculated that Thababe would finally be charged and join his wife in the dock.
They were not far off the mark because that is what the prosecution had been promising for the past two years. The prosecution however had a surprise. Less than a minute is how long it took to end what was supposed to be Lesotho’s trial of the decade. It was a hastily delivered anti-climax to an elaborate but sad spectacle that has dragged on for five years.
Gareth Leppan, a South African advocate recently hired by the DPP to prosecute Thabane and his wife, came to court to announce his failure and that of his boss.
Advocate Leppan told the court that the prosecution was withdrawing the case against the Thabanes because it could not find a key state witness.
“My lord we have been unable to trace a particularly important witness in this matter. And having discussed this matter with the Director of Public Prosecutions, the said director has decided to withdraw the charges in this matter my Lord and accordingly today that is the application to this court that the charges be withdrawn,” Advocate Leppan said.
With those brief words, the prosecutor ended the highly anticipated trial before it even started, leaving people to salivate and speculate as to what would have happened.
What was supposed to be an epic trial is dead, at least for now. As Advocate Leppan sank back into his chair a buzz of excitement spread through the public gallery dominated by Thabane’s supporters.
But Advocate Leppan’s announcement had also ploughed a dagger into the heart of one woman who immediately started wailing. She would continue to weep for the next hour as Thabanes’ lawyers addressed the court in what appeared to be a “victory lap”. Armed with the prosecution’s admission that it was retreating, the lawyers painted Thabane and his wife as victims of a political conspiracy.
Thabane and his wife had been harassed by the police and tried in the public court, one said. It was because of these concocted charges that Thabane had been hounded out of office and forced to end his tenure prematurely, he said. Were it not for those cooked-up charges Thabane would still be prime minister, he added.
The media, both local and international, had turned the trumped-up charges against the Thabanes into fodder for sensational headlines.
“Accused number two (Thomas Thabane) is now 83 years old heading to 84, he is a retired Prime Minister who should be resting and enjoying the peace of his mind, yet he had been dragged to the court for two years, four months and some days, only for the crown to say its house is not in order,” Advocate Phafane lamented.
“The inevitable conclusion that the crown never had a case against the accused in the first place, is one of those cases that one can safely say, the crown or the police were playing for the gallery, they were playing for the media, they were playing political games,” Advocate Phafane said.
He said the case was used to remove Thabane from office prematurely. Attorney Qhalehang Letsika was equally scathing in his criticism of the police’s handling of the case. Police Commissioner Holomo Molibeli had been one of the beneficiaries of the unfounded charges against the Thabanes, Attorney Letsika said.
His logic was that Commissioner Molibeli only brought the charges against Messiah when Thabane wanted to fire him. He asked the court to order the prosecution to pay the Thabanes’ legal costs. The judge however gently let him down and he didn’t pursue the matter. When the lawyers were eventually done with their monologues, the judge asked: “So what do you want me to do?”
“Nothing, your honour,” one of them says.
The public anger towards the withdrawal of the case is palpable. You see it in the reactions on social media. One prominent lawyer wondered why the prosecution was claiming that it didn’t have witnesses when one of them told the police that the Thabanes instructed her to deliver money to Lipolelo’s killers. Others vented their anger at the courts while others said they had always known that the Thabanes would be let off the hook. The truth however is more nuanced.
The prosecution appears to have been caught between a rock and a hard place. Although there are 39 witnesses, only four have direct knowledge of the planning and the execution of the murder. Those four, who are Basotho based in South Africa, appear reluctant to give statements to the police.
Some are said to have been playing “hide and seek” with the police. thepost has been told that there is an agreement that the case against the Thabanes would falter without those testimonies.
“Their evidence is so crucial that the prosecution cannot proceed without them,” said an official close to the case.
Two of those witnesses are members of the famo music gang that organised the hit while the other two know about how the murder was planned.
“The prosecution knew that the defence was now planning to apply for acquittal on the basis that the cases had been delayed for too long and the case against ‘Maesaiah is not proceeding,” said a source privy to the prosecution’s internal discussions about the case.
“If the prosecution had charged Thabane it meant he had to enter a plea and the case would have to proceed. But the trouble was that the prosecution is still struggling to get the four key witnesses.”
“They don’t know when those witnesses will be available”.
He said the withdrawal is a “strategic retreat rather than a surrender” Rarely do murder cases come with such prominent suspects, lurid details and high drama. This one has been told at bar counters, funerals and weddings.
The police have told it too in fascinating detail. So have the prosecution. The only missing side of the story is that of the accused.
But we may never know because the prosecution has chickened out and withdrawn the case. The source said the prosecution could still reinstate the charges once it finds the witnesses. That leaves some hope that the Thabanes will have their day in court but many believe the case is as dead as a dodo.
Staff Reporter
MASERU
THE Basotho Action Party (BAP)’s Central Executive Committee has appealed against Justice Molefi Makara’s ruling that it has no powers to suspend Motlatsi Maqelepo and Tello Kibane.
Maqelepo is the BAP deputy leader while Kibane is the chairman of the caucus in parliament.
In a ruling delivered on Tuesday, Justice Makara said the party’s disciplinary committee did not have the powers to discipline the duo when there is a pending High Court case.
The judge also said the executive committee cannot suspend the two when there is a court case seeking to interdict it from doing so.
“The matter is sub judice and it has to be so treated,” Justice Makara said on Tuesday.
The BAP’s central executive committee suspended Maqelepo for seven years and Kibane for five years beginning last Tuesday.
Maqelepo’s suspension will end on January 7, 2032 while Kibane’s will be until January 7, 2030.
Their suspension letters from the BAP deputy secretary general Victoria Qheku, say they should not participate in any of the party’s activities.
They were suspended in absentia after they refused to attend the disciplinary hearing, which they said was illegal.
Yesterday, the BAP leader, Professor Nqosa Mahao, filed an appeal against the High Court ruling.
Professor Mahao, as the first applicant along with the BAP and the disciplinary committee, argued that Justice Makara had erred and misdirected himself when he said he had jurisdiction to interfere with the internal matters of the party.
He reasoned that the High Court ignored the prayers that are purely constitutional under the 1993 Lesotho Constitution.
He said the court erred and misdirected itself “in granting the interim prayers in the face of a jurisdictional objection where no exceptional circumstances existed, especially where the applicants would have remedies in due cause”.
“The Court a quo erred and misdirected itself in granting the interim reliefs retrospectively,” the court papers read.
Maqelepo had earlier argued that there is a court case that is pending in the High Court seeking to interdict the party from charging them in its structures without approval of the special conference he is calling.
He said the party leadership should have awaited the outcome of the case before proceeding with any disciplinary action.
“The party that is led by a professor of law continues to do dismissals despite the issue being taken to the courts,” Maqelepo said.
He said their fate in the party is in the hands of the special conference.
He appealed to all the party constituencies to continue writing letters proposing the special conference.
Maqelepo, Kibane, Hilda Van Rooyen, and ’Mamoipone Senauoane are accused of supporting a move to remove Professor Mahao from his ministerial position last year.
They were part of BAP members who asked Prime Minister Sam Matekane to fire Professor Mahao, who at the same time was pushing for the reshuffle of Tankiso Phapano, the principal secretary for the Ministry of Energy.
When Matekane ignored Professor Mahao’s demands, the latter withdrew the BAP from the coalition government. That decision was fiercely opposed by the party’s four MPs.
Maqelepo started touting members from constituencies to call for the special conference to reverse Professor Mahao and the central executive committee’s decision.
The central executive committee issued a circular stopping Maqelepo’s rallies but he continued, with the support of the other MPs.
In the BAP caucus of six MPs, it is only Professor Mahao and ’Manyaneso Taole who support the withdrawal from the government.
Majara Molupe
LERIBE
A Butha-Buthe widow is fighting her stepchildren in court after she accused them of making illegal withdrawals of cash from her bank account.
’Maletšela Letšela told the High Court in Tšifa-li-Mali that her four stepchildren had taken advantage of her age and gained access to her money through her late husband’s death certificate which they used to withdraw some cash.
She did not reveal how much had been withdrawn from the account.
Letšela pleaded with the court to order the children to return her late husband’s death certificate.
Maletšela was the second wife to the late Mohlabakobo Letšela.
Mohlabakobo’s first wife died in 1991.
Letšela told the court in an urgent application that she married Mohlabakobo through customary rites in 1999 and they subsequently solemnised their union by civil rights in November 2003.
“I should state that I married my husband as a widower, his wife having passed away leaving behind four children who are respondents in the matter,” Letšela said.
Letšela has two children with Mohlabakobo.
She said at the time of the first wife’s death, they had already amassed property in the form of a residential house in Mokhotlong and rental flats in Butha-Buthe.
“I have always considered this property as belonging to the children of my husband’s first marriage and continue to hold that view,” Letšela said.
“During my marriage and before my husband’s death, we built a residential property at Makopo, Ha-Letšolo, in the district of Butha-Buthe,” she said.
“I had helped my husband to raise his children as my own and we have been living together as a family at my matrimonial home located at Makopo, Ha-Letšolo, until he passed away in October 2024, after a long illness.”
Letšela said after the death of her husband, they worked peacefully with his children without any sense of animosity and they appreciated her role as the widow and joint owner of her husband’s estate.
“This feeling is aided by a written deposition signed by Refiloe and Lietsietsi Letšela (Mohlabakobo’s children from the first marriage) nominating me as the heir in respect of monies held in my husband’s name at both the First National Bank and Standard Bank of Lesotho,” she said.
She said Mohlabakobo, with the aid of the family, wrote letters to appoint her heir to his estate in the event of his death.
She said even the children rightfully appointed her as the beneficiary in respect of these monies with a clear understanding that as a spouse to their late father, she was the rightful person to claim for benefits deriving out of his estate.
She said with the aid of the letter, she was able to withdraw funds from the banks to cover the funeral costs.
“Shortly after my husband’s burial, I was approached by Refiloe, who requested an original copy of my husband’s death certificate claiming she wanted to trace funds in my husband’s bank account held at Post Bank in South Africa,” she said.
“Sensing no harm, I released the copy to her and she left in the company of her brother and sister.”
She said she had no sense at that point whatsoever that Refiloe’s intentions were malicious.
“By that time Refiloe had already assumed possession of my husband’s phone and vehicle, and I did not complain owing to my old age and my understanding that
I did not know how to operate a smart phone, and my lack of skills to drive a car,” she said.
The siblings, she said, never brought any report regarding the funds they were to trace.
“I got suspicious of their actions and immediately sought intervention from the Butha-Buthe police.”
The police called Refiloe instructing her to return the death certificate, but she informed the officer that the copy was now in the custody of her sibling Litsietsi in South Africa.
Litsietsi later responded that she would “return the certificate on Wednesday, November 20, 2024 but that did not happen rather they are now claiming they never took it”.
“Sensing that the situation had gone out of hand, I decided to go to Post Bank with the aim of tracing the movement of these children,” she said.
Letšela said the bank manager told her that the children had instituted a claim as beneficiaries of the funds using the same death certificate.
The manager, she said, advised her to secure a letter of authority from the Master of the High Court for them to handle her case.
The Master of the High Court, she said, could not help her because she did not have the original copy of the certificate.
“I have no other alternative but to seek the court’s intervention as I was advised no actions could be taken without the court’s order.”
’Malimpho Majoro
MASERU
KNORX Molelle’s appointment as the Director General of the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Offences (DCEO) in February 2023 could have been illegal.
The Law Society of Lesotho has told Prime Minister Sam Matekane that Molelle was appointed without being admitted as a legal practitioner in Lesotho, as required by law.
The society claims the information came from a whistleblower on January 2 and was corroborated by its roll of legal practitioners in Lesotho.
The society says the appointment violates section 4 of the Prevention of Corruption and Economic Offences Act 1999 which states that a person shall not be appointed as the DCEO director general unless they have been admitted as a legal practitioner in terms of the Legal Practitioners Act.
In the letter, Advocate Ithabeleng Phamotse, the society’s secretary, tells Matekane that this requirement “is not a mere procedural formality but a substantive qualification essential to the lawful appointment of the Director General”.
“The absence of such qualification fatally impairs the appointment ab initio, rendering it null and void from the outset,” Advocate Phamotse says in the letter written on Tuesday.
The society argues that if left unaddressed the illegality undermines the credibility, effectiveness and legality of the DCEO’s operations and exposes the kingdom to serious risks, including challenges to the lawfulness of decisions and actions made by Molelle.
“Should it be confirmed that the appointment was made in contravention of the mandatory legal requirements,” Advocate Phamotse said, “we respectfully urge you to take immediate corrective action to rectify this glaring irregularity”.
Advocate Phamotse tells the prime minister that if the appointment is not corrected, the society would be “left with no alternative but to institute legal proceedings to protect the interests of justice and uphold the rule of law in Lesotho”.
“We trust that you will accord this matter your highest priority and act decisively to avert further damage to the integrity of our governance structures.”
The Prime Minister’s spokesman, Thapelo Mabote, said they received the letter but Matekane had not yet read it yesterday.
Matekane is on leave and is expected back in the office on January 14.
Questions over the validity of his appointment come as Molelle is being haunted by the damaging audio clips that were leaked last week.
The clips were clandestinely recorded by Basotho National Party leader, Machesetsa Mofomobe.
In some of the clips, Molelle appears to be describing Matekane and his deputy Justice Nthomeng Majara as idiots. He also appears to be calling Law Minister Richard Ramoeletsi a devil.
In other clips, he seems to be discussing cases. thepost has not independently verified the authenticity of the audio clips.
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