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Study lays bare police’s brutal tactics



A study released this week says the police brutality is a direct result of a “delinquent culture within the LMPS fraternity created by poor supervision and outright lack of accountability”.

The brutal assessment is contained in a report, Lesotho Police Brutality Study Report 2021 – 2022, conducted by a local researcher Lesiamo Molapo on behalf of the United Textile Employees (Unite).

The study was funded by the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA).

“Internal police culture plays a pivotal role in creating impunity, lack of accountability and that internal power struggles are at the centre of erosion of values and poor service to the public,” says the report.

Although training is important to capacitate the police, “in Lesotho’s case, however, police brutality is not a product of curriculum or poor training, but it is a product of a delinquent culture within the LMPS (Lesotho Mounted Police Service) fraternity created by poor supervision and outright lack of accountability”.

A classic example of police brutality is a case of one man (name withheld) who was tortured to confess that he had stolen a yellow plant machine, the study found.

When he could not say what the police wanted to hear, they struck him repeatedly with a knobkerrie in the ribs until one rib cracked.

The handcuffs on his arms were tightened and twisted with a knobkerrie so much that they sunk and cut deeper into his wrists to the extent that his wrists immediately began to swell and blood trickled out.

He was stripped naked, repeatedly kicked in the groin, struck with a lebetlela (fighting stick), dunked in cold water, then a vehicle tyre tube was pulled over his head to induce asphyxiation.

After what he described as an interlude of sure death, he thought “the Devil was holier than the Lesotho police officers”.

The police officers torturing him left him slightly unconscious, lying in his excrete, wet with his urine, still handcuffed and barely breathing.

At the change of police shift, after three hours of torture and after being apparently forgotten by his torturers, the relief officer found him in a despicable inhumane state.

The study found that the use of a tyre tube to induce asphyxiation was an instrument of choice by the police.

The most excruciating pain was through the use of koto.

A suspect is struck with koto on the last bone of the vertebrae, which numbs the whole waist with such excruciating pain and a suspect literally defecates.

It says between 2015 and 2017 some incidents of police brutality, extra judiciary killings, killing of citizens and cover ups emerged.

It says some survivors carried physical marks, some carried psychological trauma while some had suicidal thoughts.

“Collected info indicates that known police officers who killed citizens are deliberately transferred or rotated around the country, especially, they are sent to work in the mountain posts or far from the station of incident,” the study found.

One survivor of police torture at Ha-Mokhalinyane police station cited “being repeatedly struck with a fighting stick, handcuffs twisted with a knobkerrie, strangled, kicked in the groin”.

He was tortured as he was expected to answer with a confession of guilt, failing which, more punishment followed, which could have resulted in death.

The study found that he confessed by implicating someone, “including the same police officers who were torturing him”.

They threatened him with death if he continued to talk “s*it”, but that unwanted implication freed him.

However, he was released with “broken ribs, a broken leg and a broken arm” and with a fear of being hunted down to be killed if ever he reported his case to the powers that be.

The study says the police use knobkerries because it leaves no visible marks on a human body, but the spot it hits shows a roundish dent with no tear or damaged skin.

“Such a spot heals quickly,” it reads.

“However, the damage done underneath the skin can be debilitating or even fatal.”

A knobkerrie helps torturers to conceal injuries, in the case where a suspect has to see a doctor, the study found.

It’s used to hit thighs and the last vertebrae.

Another torture tool is a car tyre tube because just like a plastic, when a suspect attempts to breath, every hole in the face is blocked.

A tube is normally moistened with water and is forcefully stretched over the face of the suspect, it easily blocks every opening in the face.

The suspect is forced to lie down with his stomach and the torturer sits astride him around the waist area, the tube is pulled over the face like a horse being harnessed.

Because it is elastic it can be stretched up to the ears.

The bowels loosen and the suspect soils themselves immediately.

A suspect talks voluntarily, they say.

“This is the best preferred method by torturers for stubborn suspects, or only just for the fun of it especially for suspects of high esteem so that stories may be told around of having soiled themselves,” it reads.

“It’s often the last but one of the brutal torture methods.”

Suspects’ eyes turn inside out, cuts breath, vomits, defecates, suspect sees death.

“This is one method that has claimed a number of victims, especially those who were said to be stubborn and refused to confess or to implicate somebody.”

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Mahao, PS in big fight



PRIME Minister Sam Matekane this week summoned the Basotho Action Party (BAP) executive committee in a bid to defuse simmering tensions within the party.
This comes amid fears that Professor Nqosa Mahao’s fallout with his principal secretary at the Ministry of Energy, Tankiso Phapano, could threaten the unity in the BAP and the government’s stability.

thepost can reveal that Mahao has hinted that he would resign if Matekane doesn’t fire or reassign Phapano.

But there are strong indications that Mahao doesn’t enjoy the backing of his executive committee and MPs in his fight with Phapano.

Inside sources this week told thepost that some members of the BAP’s executive committee and MPs are openly siding with Phapano and have been secretly lobbying Matekane to reshuffle Mahao from the Ministry of Energy to Sports.

A source said Mahao is aware of these manoeuvres, including a clandestine meeting in Maputsoe, and has said he would rather resign than be the subject of a humiliating reshuffle instigated by people he leads.

The source of the bad blood between Mahao and Phapano is not clear but it is understood that they have disagreed over tenders and the ministry’s direction.

The source said Matekane was first briefed of the running battles at the ministry some three weeks ago just as matters were coming to a head.

It is the second briefing which revealed a complete breakdown in the relationship that triggered Matekane’s meeting with the BAP’s executive committee and MPs on Monday.

Three people who were in that meeting said Matekane told the BAP officials to deal with the crisis before it affected the ministry and threatened the coalition government’s stability.

The BAP’s executive committee, including MPs and Mahao, then had a marathon meeting to discuss ways to make peace between Mahao and Phapano.

A source who was in that meeting said “it was clear to Mahao that the majority of the committee and the MPs were on Phapano’s side”.

“Mahao quickly realised that he did not have the backing of the majority and took a conciliatory approach. It was clear that the committee would rather have him resign than get Phapano removed from the ministry,” the source said.

“In the past Mahao had flatly refused to reconcile with Phapano because of seniority. But this time he appeared to be open to a meeting to discuss reconciliation.”

Both Mahao and Phapano told thepost last night that their relationship was still cordial. ‘“We are still in good books with Phapano until further notice,” Mahao said.

“However, we cannot predict the future.”

Mahao denied ever discussing Phapano’s dismissal or transfer with Matekane.

Phapano also insisted that he was working well with Mahao.

“We are still on good terms,” Phapano said, adding that the allegation that they were fighting was “baseless”.

The fallout between Mahao and Phapano has been quick and spectacular.

The two had been almost inseparable months before Mahao agreed to join the coalition government.

Phapano would use his car to drive Mahao around. They would attend party meetings together. Some party insiders saw Phapano as Mahao’s right-hand man and adviser.

Mahao allegedly strongly pushed for Phapano to be appointed as his principal secretary when he became energy minister.

But sources said Mahao started having second thoughts days after recommending Phapano and tried to get his appointment reversed but it was too late.

A source says within weeks Mahao was telling cabinet colleagues that Phapano had captured the ministry and he was unable to function as the minister.

“He started pushing to oust Phapano within days because they were already clashing. It’s been war from the first days,” said the source.

Staff Reporter

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How chicken import ban hit vendors



MALESHOANE Pakela used to work at small backyard chicken farms where she was paid with chicken heads, necks, legs, and offals that she would roast and sell to factory workers at the Thetsane Industrial Area.

Her job was to clean and pack chicken.
The profit wasn’t much but just enough for the 37-year-old widow to feed and keep her four children in school.

“It also covered her monthly rental of M150 for a room in Ha-Tsolo Sekoting.

Her life was however shattered last October when the government imposed a ban on chicken imports from South Africa following an outbreak of bird flu.
Without day-old chicks the farms quickly shut down, cutting Pakela’s supply of heads, necks, legs, and offals.
Within a few days, her family was starving.

Pakela had been struggling even for months before the ban. The closure of the factories and retrenchments of thousands of workers has severely hit her sales. She was behind on her rent and could barely feed her children.

The partial lifting of the chicken ban has not helped Pakela because her former employers still cannot import day-old chicks or live birds.
Pakela and a family were kicked out of their rented room in November when their arrears were about M1 000.
She has found another room nearby.

A ‘Good Samaritan’ has allowed her to use a room for free until she can afford the rent. But Pakela says she still feels obliged to pay something because she understands that things are hard for everyone.

“Here the rent is still M150 but the landlord accepts every amount that I give her,” Pakela says.
There are days when her children go to bed hungry.

“I have told them (children) that if I have nothing they should accept (the status).”

She now survives on handouts from neighbours and other well-wishers. Pakela’s poverty is apparent.

Barefoot and holding her small child in a seshoeshoe dress, Pakela says her two children usually go to school without eating.
The other child has dropped out of school because she doesn’t have shoes.

’Mako Lepolesa, 44, who has been running a chesanyama (meat grill) at the Maseru West Industrial Estate since 2018. The father of three says his clients are mainly taxi drivers and factory workers.

Chicken was her main product until last October when the ban was imposed. It wasn’t long before his business started wobbling.

“I thought it would be just a short-lived problem (chicken import ban) but it passed on this year,” he says, adding that it might take months for his business to recover.
Moshe Ramashamole, 42, who also owns a chesanyama in the Maseru West Industrial Estate, tried to remain in business by sourcing chicken from local farmers.

It was a stopgap measure that however lasted a few weeks because the farmers also ran out of stock. He resorted to bad chicken but they were double the price of a full chicken before the ban.
Yet Ramashamole thought he could make it work by increasing the price of his plate from M35 to M55. The customers however resisted the new price and Ramashamole had to take the losses.

The poultry ban did not affect street vendors like Pakela alone.
Former Minister of Communications, Khotso Letsatsi, is one of those poultry farmers struggling following the chicken ban.

He ventured into poultry in January last year. It was an audacious venture that included a M100 000 investment in a shelter and other equipment.
He started with a batch of 300 chicks and had reached 1 000 by the time the ban was imposed.

“The business was lucrative,” Letsatsi says.

“I had to employ two people permanently to assist me on a full-time basis,” he says.

When it was time to slaughter the chickens, Letsatsi says he had to employ seven casual labourers.
Since the ban was imposed he had released all his workers.

“I do not know where they are now. Maybe they are starving,” he says of the workers he released.

Letsatsi doesn’t know how he will revive his business.
The Director of Marketing in the Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security (MAFS), Lekhooe Makhate, says the ban has been devastating to farmers and businesses.

“Some big businesses are going to declare less tax to the government because there was no business,” Makhate says.

He says Lesotho spends M2.1 billion on the importation of chicken and its products from South Africa every year.
But that amount usually soars to M4 billion depending on the market forces of demand and supply.

Makhate says the M2.1 billion goes to South Africa where the chicken and its products are imported.

At the height of the scarcity of chickens in the country, Makhate says people were supposed to make initiatives to travel to villages to search for chickens.

“There is not enough production of chickens in the country,” he says.
“Economically speaking we rely on South Africa. We have to be self-reliant.”

Majara Molupe

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Letseng fends off threat to sue



LETŠENG Diamond says it is under no obligation to advertise jobs for Basotho to provide certain services “where it has the capacity to undertake the same services”.
Letšeng Diamond boss, Motooane Thinyane, was responding to a threat to sue by a little-known political party called Yearn for Economic Sustainability (YES).

Matekane’s company, the Matekane Mining Investment Company (MMIC), had been providing blasting, haulage and drilling services at Letšeng mine since 2005.
The deal with the MMIC was terminated in December last year with the mining company saying it was improper because Matekane had now become a politician.

Letšeng Diamonds announced that it had reached an agreement with the MMIC to acquire its mining equipment at the mine and offered employment to its current employees in line with operational requirements.

“This will enable Letšeng to continue with its mining activities,” the company said in its statement.

This infuriated opposition parties that argued that the mine should have called interested Basotho companies to bid for the contract, saying it is provided for in the Minerals Act of 2005.

The leader of Yearn for Economic Sustainability (YES), Molefi Ntšonyana, wrote the mine last week threatening to sue for allegedly failing to follow section 11 of the Act.
Ntšonyana argued that the Act “does not grant the Letšeng Diamond 100 percent to mine with its good own equipment” but it should engage Basotho companies like it did with the MMIC.

Ntšonyana said Letšeng Diamond and the MMIC made the agreement to acquire the MMIC equipment so that the mine could continue with its mining activities “without any advertisement to seek qualified Basotho to provide such services”.

Ntšonyana said the agreement unilaterally denied Basotho a chance to tender for such services and ignored the fact that the government of Lesotho on behalf of Basotho own 30 percent in the Letšeng Diamond.

“It is advisable to reconsider your decision,” Ntšonyana said, adding that they would also write to the mining board requesting the resolution they made regarding this matter of insourcing mining activities.

He said the company should adhere to section 11 of the Mines and Minerals Act of 2005 and within 14 working days the matter should be reconsidered, “failing which we will have no choice but to drag the company to the courts of law”.

In his response, Thinyane said Ntšonyana must “revisit the section in question in full for its correct interpretation”.

“Letšeng Diamond is under no obligation to advertise to seek qualified Basotho to provide services where it is willing and has the capacity to undertake the same services,” Thinyane said.

He said the decision relating to the agreement referred to has been through the necessary governance structures and is therefore procedural.
Thinyane said Letšeng is a corporate citizen that is fully compliant with the laws of Lesotho.

Majara Molupe

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