Connect with us

News

Breaking the chains

Published

on

Hlaele’s 40-year journey in trade unionism……………

MASERU – If there is anything that has come to define Lebohang Hlaele’s tenure as Minister of Law in the last 14 months, it is his extremely messy public fallout with Chief Justice Nthomeng Majara. His critics within the opposition, who are many, say Hlaele has not been ashamed to aggressively push a naked plot to oust Chief Justice Majara and replace her with a “pliant” judge.
They say Hlaele has been brazenly waging a vicious assault on the independence of the judiciary. They say he wants to capture the judiciary.
On one side is Hlaele and the government while on the other is Justice Majara and her sympathisers.
Fighting in the judge’s corner is a motley collection of international and local groups that have issued scathing statements against the coalition government for allegedly poking their noses into the affairs of the courts.

Critics say Hlaele’s “shooting from the hip” approach in dealing with his political rivals has not made things any better.
They say he has been too aggressive and very antagonistic in pushing his agenda.
That is nonsense, says Hlaele.

“I’m not after her,” he says. “It’s a perception that we want to get her out. All we want is to make sure there is rule of law.”
Hlaele insists the coalition government has no intention of undermining the judiciary either.
He says while the judiciary is independent, “administratively we have to ensure the rule of law is maintained”.
“The independence of any institution is not absolute.”

Hlaele says the government’s beef with the Chief Justice emanates from a perception that certain wrongs were done and these should be investigated without fear or favour.
“The Chief Justice must clear her name,” he says.
Hlaele says as head of the Ministry of Law in Lesotho, the Chief Justice had, among other issues, dismally failed to deal with the huge backlog of cases within the courts resulting in some cases dragging for as long as 10 years without being finalised.

That is totally unacceptable, he says.
“We have more than a thousand cases that are stuck there. Justice has to be seen to be done to Basotho.”
“If that is pushing, then so be it,” he says.
Hlaele says all they are looking for is “for the Chief Justice to provide leadership in the judiciary”.

“The Minister is not above the law, the Prime Minister is not above the law and so is the Chief Justice.”
Hlaele says the perception that he was out to get the Chief Justice was wrong and has to be condemned in the strongest terms.
“I am not pushing her out but we want things to be done the right way.”

While Hlaele has been pushing hard to raise his concerns with Justice Majara he has also been vociferous in his defence of Justice Kananelo Mosito.
Justice Mosito was ousted by former Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili for allegedly violating Lesotho’s tax laws.
Hlaele however insists that Justice Mosito was unfairly treated by Mosisili and deserves a second chance.

“He was unfairly targeted by the former Prime Minister. He failed to rise above petty politics. A case in point is when the former Prime Minister was inaugurated in 2015 where he greeted and shook hands with everybody except Justice Mosito. My view was and I still hold the same view that Justice Mosito’s removal by the former Prime Minister was politically motivated.”
He says his decision to back Justice Mosito arises from legal opinion he was given as minister by the new Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) that “we did not have a case against Mosito”.
“Justice Mosito, in my opinion, has to go back to his position if nothing wrong is found against him, like any other Mosotho. It’s not about Justice Mosito, as a person, but about justice to a Mosotho.

“We will raise our concerns as government whenever we think things are not done in the best interest of justice. It is all about justice being done to every Mosotho.”
A fiery trade unionist with no legal training, Hlaele unsurprisingly sometimes comes across as brusque. What he lacks in legal finesse, he compensates with raw drive to get things done.
“When I arrived in the ministry, I told myself that I am not a lawyer but my focus would be on managing the ministry with the help of lawyers,” he says.
“They would come with their legal skills and I would bring my managerial skills and I am happy to say we are gelling very well.”
He says when he arrived at the ministry he was met with demoralised civil servants creaking under the oppressive weight of a system that had for many years learnt to accept and promote mediocrity.

They were not motivated and had no clear plans and targets and that made them unaccountable, he says.
Hlaele is married to Prime Minister Thomas Thabane’s daughter. The couple met in 2007 and got married in 2013.
It is a relationship that has brought its own baggage, particularly with reference to Hlaele’s political career.
As Thabane’s son-in-law, Hlaele says he is fully aware of the perception that his appointment as minister was as a direct result of his familial relationship with the Prime Minister.
“He (Thabane) was accused of nepotism (after my appointment in 2017),” he says.

Hlaele is at pains to portray himself as his own man.
He says he joined the All Basotho Convention (ABC) at its formation in 2006 on the basis of principle.
“I did not marry and then join the ABC. I joined the ABC first,” he says.

He says their relationship is that of father-in-law and son-in-law when it comes to family issues. Party and government business are treated separately, he says.
“When there is something I need to criticise about the party and government, I will criticise him without fear or favour but with respect. I will go to his State House and talk to him. But when I engage in matters of family I make it very clear that let’s talk about family matters.”
“I raise these issues frankly and robustly but with respect, that is how I am.”

Hlaele says Lesotho’s biggest challenges emanate from a vacuous political leadership that is selfish and only looks after its own interests.
“We have leaders who are unable to live up to their promises. People are looking after their own interests to see how they can survive.”
He says Lesotho needs a leadership that “thinks it’s not about me, it’s about our people, it’s about my country”.

Hlaele says for too long Basotho have been divided on the basis of party political affiliation to the detriment of the nation.
“We must forget about party colours and look for capable leaders to take us where we want our country to be.”
Hlaele’s comment come as his ABC party is embroiled in unprecedented turmoil sparked by bitter leadership squabbles.
Two weeks ago, Thabane was heckled by aggrieved party supporters in scenes that gave the clearest indication that the party was going through serious problems.
ABC chairman, Motlohi Maliehe was last month sacked as tourism minister after he publicly chastised Thabane’s wife, ’Maesaiah Thabane, for allegedly interfering in the running of the government operations.

Maliehe says he is now leading a push to get Thabane kicked out of the party he formed.
Hlaele says the current challenges were because the ABC is a “broad church that accommodates people from all walks of life and schools of thought”.
“It’s not possible to manage a party like the ABC, only Thabane and his leadership can do so,” he says.
He sees the current squabbles as a sign of the indiscipline that has engulfed the party.

“There are structures through which you should raise your views and once decisions have been taken, you cannot go out and say you did not agree with the decisions taken; that’s indiscipline because those decisions have been taken by a collective leadership.”
He also criticized a trend within the ABC of “disallowing dissent within the party”.
“That kills democracy. This tendency is foreign in any democratic set-up and is unacceptable,” he says
Hlaele says there will always be contradictions in running a party such as the ABC.
“A revolution without contradiction is incomplete, according to Lenin.”

Hlaele says Thabane has always encouraged engagement, dialogue and patience amongst members.
Born on May 6, 1958, Hlaele had a rough upbringing in Mohale’s Hoek. His father and mother divorced when he was two and he was taken in by his uncles.
He only went to school up to Form E and had to drop out after his uncles failed to raise school fees for him.

Like many other young boys growing up in Lesotho then, the young Hlaele packed his bags and headed to the gold mines of South Africa in 1977.
He was around 19 years old when he left Lesotho for a job as a Clerk at Grootvlei mines in Springs in Johannesburg.

Hlaele later continued with his studies in South Africa and completed a post-graduate Diploma in Labour Law and Human Resource Management Diploma.
The conditions at the mine were brutal.
The wages were poor and living conditions in the hostels were Spartan. It was no surprise that the conditions soon gave birth to a militant trade union, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in 1982.

Hlaele says the NUM, under a fiery Cyril Ramaphosa, who is now president of South Africa, and other leaders such as James Motlatsi and Elijah Barayi, soon became an irritant in the eyes of the apartheid regime as it pushed for better working conditions for the workers.
Hlaele says he joined the NUM and was immediately elected the NUM chairperson of the Grootvlei branch.

From that moment, Hlaele became steeped in trade unionism, pushing for the betterment of the working conditions of mine workers.
At the formation of COSATU in 1985, Hlaele was elected treasurer general of COSATU in the Wits region, which encompassed Pretoria, Gauteng and Vaal region.
He remembers with fondness how they orchestrated the biggest strike by mine workers in South Africa in 1987, sending the apartheid regime into a tailspin as the oppressive system tottered towards collapse.

As a direct result of the strike, 64 000 members out of the 340 000 members were fired by Anglo-American, the owners of the mines.
“We got injured as a union but we were not destroyed,” he says defiantly.
He says they had to do what they did in the 1980s because, “the mining industry was being run by a very stubborn racist clique”.
It is in trade unionism that Hlaele learnt his politics. Now 41 years after he first joined the mines, Hlaele can look back with pride at the experience he picked up over the years and apply it in his new assignment as Minister of Law.

The biggest lesson he learnt while working in the mines is that there is only one language that the mining magnates understand – trade unionism.
He says when workers are united, they are strong and when they are divided, they are weak and are easily manipulated by their bosses.
“Without unity, you could not get anything from the racist mine bosses who were running the mines,” he says.
We had to organise ourselves and demand what we felt was rightfully ours, he says.

“The 1956 Labour Relations Act as amended, made it impossible for workers to embark on a wildcat strike. But we learnt that you needed to be a leader who takes unpopular decisions as long as those decisions were in the interests of your members.”
“Happy workers are productive workers.”

Abel Chapatarongo

Advertisement

News

Ambassador fired

Published

on

LESOTHO’S ambassador to Canada, Molise Tšeole, has been fired over a Facebook post criticising the government.

Tšeole was fired on Wednesday, the same day he was found guilty after a virtual disciplinary hearing held last Friday.

Tšeole was informed of his termination by Principal Secretary of Foreign Affairs, Thabang Lekhela. Lekhela said the Tšeole’s termination and recall from the embassy in Canada was with immediate effect.

The letter instructs Tšeole to wrap up his affairs and “report to the Headquarters on or before” May 7.

Tšeole got himself in hot water after he made a Facebook post, on April 13, disparaging the government.

“This is the government of the rich. They see the poor as nothing,” Tšeole’s post reads.

“Now they take all the funds meant to help the people and share them among themselves.”

“There is no buying power, there is no money in circulation.”

The reaction from his bosses in Maseru was as instant as it was thundering.

Six days after that post Tšeole was before a disciplinary panel chaired by the Principal Secretary of the Ministry of Communications, Kanono Ramashamole.

He was accused of “failure to have absolute and undivided loyalty to the constitution and lawfully constituted government”.

Other charges were that he failed “to support and maintain the government of Lesotho according to the constitution and other laws of Lesotho”, “caused damage that brought public service into disrepute” and “wrote and circulated a vexatious statement with malicious intent”.

All charges emanated from Tšeole’s Facebook post.

The disciplinary panel found Tšeole guilty and ruled that he is not fit for office.

“The accused is not fit to continue to represent Lesotho internationally, therefore he must be recalled from the embassy,” Ramashamole said in the judgement.

During the virtual disciplinary hearing, parts of which were heard by thepost , Tšeole is heard questioning the credibility of the panel that tried him.

Tšeole kept having a back-and-forth with Ramashamole throughout the intense hearing
Tšeole told the committee that the proceedings should not be high-jacked, insisting that it should be held in a way that will make him feel satisfied.

“I want to know the reasons you are made the chairman of this committee,” Tšeole asked Ramashamole.

Ramashamole kept telling him that he should allow him as the chairman to speak but Tšeole kept talking.

“Do not interrupt me so that I read the charges for you. Let me work using the proper procedure,” Ramashamole said. But Tšeole kept interjecting.

Tšeole later kept quiet and Ramashamole read the charges.

He however argued that the case should be before the courts rather than the disciplinary committee.

Before Ramashamole could respond, Tšeole said he first had to be sure if the committee would bring justice to him.

“I want to be sure that your court is fairly constituted before anything else.”

Ramashamole tried to respond saying they were following the law but Tšeole said that was not true.

Tšeole said he wanted to be represented by a lawyer.

Ramashamole told him that if he did not allow the hearing to continue he would be denying himself a chance to defend himself.

Tšeole insisted that he wanted a legal representative.

Ramashamole told Tšeole that he would continue with the case despite his objections.

Tšeole’s lawyers, Astute Chambers, demanded that another hearing should be held within 48 hours from yesterday or else they would have “no other option but to approach the courts of law”.

Tšeole has written a separate letter appealing against the judgement, saying Ramashamole ignored him when he made it clear that he was not guilty.

“I was present at the hearing, I was willing to have a fair hearing,” he said.

“Your panel cannot make the decision as if I was absent.”

Nkheli Liphoto

Continue Reading

News

Five killed in Fobane

Published

on

FIVE people were shot dead at a home in Fobane last Saturday night in what is suspected to have been a revenge attack linked to famo gangs involved in illegal gold mining in South Africa.
Two of the victims are relatives while the other three worked for the family.
The family’s four vehicles were also torched.

The police say the assailants were looking for the family head, a 38-year-old man who was not at home during the attack.

The head chief of Fobane, Motsarapane Molapo, told thepost that the family head is an illegal miner in South Africa.

thepost has been told that the attack in Fobane could be linked to an earlier incident in Peka, where one man was shot dead and two seriously injured after being attacked by suspected members of a rival gang.

The three, who are said to be Terene gang members, were in Peka on Saturday to attend the funeral of a colleague who was to be buried on Sunday.

They were attacked moments after they had visited their Terene leader, Tšepiso ‘Mosotho’ Radebe, who lives in the same area.

Sources said the survivors were able to name their attackers to their colleagues who then launched a revenge attack on the family in Fobane.

The group suspected that the head of that family was linked to the group that had attacked their friends in Peka.

Police spokesman, Senior Superintendent Kabelo Halahala, said the police could not connect the two incidents.

He however described the incident as “shocking”.

“We are stunned by the manner in which the incident happened,” S/Supt Halahala said.

“We are struggling to figure out how this happened. This is really shocking.”

He said preliminary investigations have revealed that a group of men stormed a room where the herd-boy was sleeping.

They then allegedly ordered him to wake up the people in the main house. Once in the house, the men demanded to know where the head of the family was.

The answer was that he was in South Africa.

S/Supt Halahala said the assailants also demanded money from the wife but she said she did not have any.

He said they then pushed them out of the room and brutally killed them.

S/Supt Halahala said they found 19 different bullet shells of 5.56mm and 9mm pistols at the scene.

S/Supt Halahala said the assailants were travelling in a Toyota Fortuner and two 4x4s.

He however declined to give further details for fear of jeopardising the investigation.

The Chief of Fobane, Motsarapane Molapo, said the village is still in shock.

He said there had been another murder in the village earlier that Saturday

Majara Molupe

Continue Reading

News

Army ordered to pay up

Published

on

THE Ombudsman has asked parliament to intervene to force the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF) to compensate families of people killed by soldiers.

Advocate Tlotliso Polaki told parliament, in two damning reports on Monday, that the LDF is refusing to compensate the family of Lisebo Tang who was shot dead by soldiers near the former commander, Lieutenant General Tlali Kamoli’s home in 2014.

The LDF, she said, is also refusing to compensate the family of Molapo Molapo who was killed by a group of soldiers at his home in Peka, Ha-Leburu in 2022.

Advocate Polaki wrote the LDF in January last year saying it should pay Tang’s mother, Makhola Tang, M300 000 “as a reasonable and justifiable redress for loss of support”.

The Tang family claim investigation started in February 2022 and the LDF responded that it “had undertaken the responsibility for funeral expenses and other related costs”.

Advocate Polaki investigated whether the LDF could be held accountable for Tang’s death and whether his family should be compensated while the criminal case is pending.

She found that the soldiers were “acting within the scope of their employment to protect the army commander and his family” when they killed Tang.

Soldiers killed Tang in Lithabaneng while she was in a parked car with her boyfriend at what the army termed “a compromising spot” near the commander’s residence.

The three soldiers peppered the vehicle with a volley of shots, killing Tang and wounding the boyfriend.

Advocate Polaki found that the army arranged to pay for the funeral costs and to continue buying groceries and school needs for Tang’s daughter.

The LDF, however, kept this for only four years but abruptly stopped.

When asked why it stopped, the army said “there is a criminal case pending in court”.

The army also said it felt that it would be admitting guilt if it compensated the Tang’s family.

The Ombudsman said “a civil claim for pecuniary compensation lodged is not dependent on the criminal proceedings running at the same time”.

“The LDF created a legitimate but unreasonable expectation and commitments between themselves and the complainant which had no duration attached thereto and which showed a willingness to cooperate and work harmoniously together,” Advocate Polaki found.

“The LDF was correct in withdrawing such benefit in the absence of a clear policy guideline or order to continue to offer such benefit or advantage,” she said.

“However, she should have been consulted first as the decision was prejudicial to her interest.”

She said the army’s undertaking “fell short of a critical element of duration and reasonability”.

Tang was a breadwinner working at Pick ’n Pay Supermarket as a cleaner earning M2 000 a month.

Her daughter, the Ombudsman said, is now in grade six and her school fees alone had escalated to M3 200 per year.

She said an appropriate redress should be premised on her family’s loss of income and future loss of support based on her salary and the prejudice suffered by her mother and daughter.

She said M300 000 is “a reasonable and justifiable redress for loss of support”.

In Molapo’s case, Advocate Polaki told parliament that the LDF refused to implement her recommendations to compensate his two daughters.

The complainant is his father, Thabo Joel Molapo.

The Ombudsman told the army in August last year that it should pay the girls M423 805 “for the negligent death of their father”.

Advocate Polaki said despite that the criminal matter is before the court, “it is established that the Ombudsman can assert her jurisdiction and make determinations on the complaint”.

Molapo, 32, was brutally murdered by a soldier in Peka in December 2020.

Molapo had earlier fought with the soldier and disarmed him.

The soldier, the Ombudsman found, rushed to Mokota-koti army post to request backup to recover his rifle. When he returned with his colleagues, they found him hiding in his house. The soldier then shot Molapo.

The LDF, the Ombudsman said, conceded that the soldier killed Molapo while on duty and that he had been subjected to internal disciplinary processes.

“The LDF is bound by the consequences of the officer’s actions who was negligent and caused Molapo’s death,” she said.

She found that after Molapo was killed, army officers and the Minister of Defence visited his family and pledged to pay his children’s school fees. They also promised to hire one of his relatives who would “cater for the needs of the deceased’s children going forward”.

The LDF, she said, has now reneged on its promises saying its “recruitment policy and legal considerations did not allow for such decision to be implemented”.

Molapo’s father told the Ombudsman that the LDF said “the undertakings were not implementable and were made by the minister at the time just to console the family”.

All the payments in the two cases, the Ombudsman has asked parliament, should be made within three months.

Staff Reporter

Continue Reading
Advertisement

ADVERTISEMENT

Advertisement
Advertisement

Trending